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Monuments and Language in Nineteenth-Century Roussillon

Second, articles with a vocalic onset become contracted if they are preceded by a preposition with a vocalic offset examples 7 and 8. Third, two pronouns are contracted if the offset of the first and the onset of the second are vocalic example 9 or if the resulting contraction of one of them gives rise to a syllabic simplification example To the friends. Of the fish. On the syntactic level, the following aspects should be mentioned as structurally important in Catalan: Catalan is a pro-drop language, meaning that the subject may be absent at the surface level in cases where it can be omitted.

The basic word order of Catalan is SVO, although typologically it may be considered a language with a relatively free word order Moreno-Cabrera, Nevertheless, this basic word order may be changed freely if the intrasyntagmatic structure of the phrases is not altered. Noun phrases consist of a determiner, a noun and possibly an adjective, in that strict order example If the adjective position is taken by a subordinate clause, this subordinate clause must be placed in the adjective position example The new cars.

The cars which are made in France. Examples 13 through 15 exemplify this possibility of free ordering of constituents for a ditmnsitive verb portar "bring". Santa Claus brings presents to the kids in December. To the kids brings presents Santa Claus in December. It's to the kids that Santa Claus brings presents in December. In December, Santa Claus brings presents to the kids. Prepositional phrases are constructed with a preposition and a following NP or an infinitival phrase see example 16 and Under the chair. Meat for eat inf. Meat for eating. Aphasic Manifestations in Catalan There is little literature on aphasia in Catalan.

This may have various causes, the most important of which seems to be sociolinguistic, alluded to above. As a matter of fact, nearly all speakers of Catalan are Catalan-Spanish bilinguals. This has led to a common practice of studying language deficits in the major language, Spanish, and transposing the results into the language not studied, in this case Catalan.

Another reason for the scarcity of studies is the lack of testing materials in Catalan. Although there are general neuropsychological tests containing rather extensive language testing sections, such as the Barcelona Test Pefia-Casanova, , all these tests are validated and standardized in Spanish-speaking populations and Catalan versions, when available, consist of mere translations of the Spanish materials without any attention to language-specific factors in Catalan.

These two facts--the sociolinguistic reality of bilingualism in Catalonia and the scarcity of testing materials--pose a dilemma for neuropsychologists confronted with a Catalan speaker who has suffered a cerebral insult causing aphasia. They have to test the patient in a language other than his native language and then extrapolate data on the native language, Catalan, based on this evaluation. Normally, this process of extrapolation is based upon an informal translation of the Spanish test materials directly into Catalan.

Subject and Procedures For the purposes of this research, we studied a Catalan aphasic who presented with Broca's aphasia in the chronic phase which had developed from near mutism in the acute and subacute phases. The patient was evaluated in the acute phase with the language subtests of the Barcelona Test and in the chronic phase once again with the Barcelona Test and the Catalan version of the BAT. The main focus of this study is the patient's spontaneous language output. By studying his spontaneous language as well as the description of the picture story from the BA T, we will try to find out how the structure of Catalan can elucidate the types of errors made by the patient.

We also compare the findings for spontaneous language output with the results of the pertinent subtests of the BAT in order to consolidate or refute our hypotheses based on the observation of spontaneous language. Case report. MMR, male, 76 years of age, with only one year of formal education, suffered from a CVA of the left middle cerebral artery MCA which provoked an aphasic syndrome classified as Broca's aphasia.

His spontaneous language output in the acute phase consisted of a controlled verbal stereotypy of the least marked syllable type CV in Catalan ['to]. Repetition was severely impaired due to the articulatory disturbance. Naming was functionally preserved in both visual and verbal modalities, apart from articulatory errors.

The target, however, was always deducible. Comprehension was relatively well preserved. Reading and writing were severely compromised, although these language components were difficult to evaluate due to the patient's very low educational level. Reading comprehension was disrupted moderately, especially for non-words tumi for midu, dasomida for basomida. Writing to dictation revealed literal paragraphias due to substitution sinagu for sinapo , omission tama for togamo and metathesis saflo for lafo.

With regard to the Barcelona Test, the following findings are noteworthy: during evaluation of MMR's spontaneous language, various articulatory and syllabic simplification strategies were observed. Repetition got better in the chronic phase but reflected the same articulatory difficulties observed in spontaneous speech. Naming was still preserved, with a certain improvement in the articulatory deficits.

In oral comprehension, MMR obtained ceiling scores. His reading and writing capacities remained unchanged. Due to the improvement in the patient's linguistic capacities, we tested him with the Catalan version of the BAT. Spontaneous language was assessed via an open-ended conversation about the patient's language skills in Catalan, his job situation prior to the brain damage and his family. Apart from that, the description of the picture story in the B A T is considered as spontaneous language output. Comprehension of the examiner during spontaneous speech was preserved.

Although naming scores on both the Barcelona Test and the B A T showed ceiling effects, some lexical difficulties could be observed in spontaneous language. MMR nearly always omitted verbs when they could be inferred from the context example 18 and showed a clear tendency to overuse copula verb forms see Appendix. Furthermore he also had difficulties, although to a minor degree, in producing proper names, which he replaced by empty expressions example P: Jo? Jo hi vaig anar fins als set anys.

G: E: Until when did you go to school? I there went lst pers. ET: P: Me? I went to school until I was seven years old. DS: P: Jo? Als set anys. G: P: I? P: A Barcelona. E: On viu? P: A la Barceloneta. E: On treballava? A1 port. G: E: Where were you born? P: In Barcelona. E: Where do you live? P: In the Barceloneta. E: Where did you work? P: At the port. DS: E: On va n6ixer'? P: Aqui. A tot arreu. G: P: Here. P: Here. P: Everywhere. With respect to morphology, we observed difficulties in MMR's spontaneous language for closed class elements pronouns, prepositions and articles as well as for open class elements verb morphology, NP agreement.

Pronouns are used excessively in nominative case see Appendix and are misused in the accusative example 20 for omission and example 21 for substitution , dative example 22 for omission and ablative forms example G: English to me dative pron. I don't like it.

ET: I don't like English. DS: Angl6s no, O no m'agrada.


G: English no, O I don't like it. G: It accusative pron. I have lost lst pers. ET: I have lost it all. DS: Hi he perdut tot. G: It dative pron. G: To dative pron. ET: I [speak] in Catalan to all my children. G: and O prep. G: I there ablative pron. ET: I go there twice.

DS: Vaig dos veces. G: Go lst pers. Regarding prepositions, we observed a tendency towards omission example The only preposition used was a, which serves many functions in Catalan: information about dative a tu "for you" , direction a Barcelona "to Barcelona" , intention a rentar- la "to wash it" and location a casa "at home". MMR generally uses this preposition correctly, and it serves as a placeholder for other prepositions example When two prepositions are required by the context, one of them is omitted and the one present is always a example G: Always in Spanish.

G: Always to Spanish. Articles also tend to be omitted example 25 , although they do appear. They are always omitted, however, in the context of PPs example When they are used, agreement with the noun is sometimes violated see below. G: The sing. ET: My wife. DS: Meva dona. G: O art.

G: To the prep. ET: To the toilet. DS: A lavabo. Apart from the fact that these three classes of function words were generally omitted and, if used, misused, we also observed violations of agreement at the level of NP concerning these function words example 27 for article-noun agreement, example 28 for pronoun- noun agreement. G: The contracted form masc. ET: The man. DS: La home. G: The fem. G: This fem. ET: This girl looks at all of them. DS: Aquesta noia se lo mira totes. At the level of open class elements, one type of error concerned agreement between noun and adjective example 29 ; these errors usually involved a violation of number agreement.

G: Two hundred masc. ET: Two hundred kilos. DS: Doscent quilos. The use of verb morphology is severely reduced in MMR's spontaneous speech; he has a tendency to overuse the present indicative example 30 and impersonal forms of the verb infinitive and gerund example G: I was born here. ET: I was born here.

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DS: Jo neix aqui. G: No stopped lst pers. ET: I never stopped, I used to work night and day. DS: No parar, dia i nit treballant. G: No stop inf. Simple clauses concatenated with conjunctions are the most abundant type of syntactic construction example 32 in M M R ' s spontaneous speech. The basic construction used involves a pronoun in nominative case followed, occasionally, by a verb and an ablative construction. This type of construction without a verb results in agrammatic clauses in Catalan.

M M R ' s few attempts to produce subordinate clauses resulted in agrammatic constructions example Occasionally, errors in subject-verb agreement were observed example A communicative strategy used by M M R in order to mitigate his lack of syntactic resources is the use of emphatic devices such as reduplication and intonation example G: The masc.

ET: The man runs away and shouts out to everybody. DS: La home i cone i crida a totes. G: The fern. G: I was one o f those prep. ET: I used to be one o f the strongest. DS: Jo dels que m6s forts. G: I o f those who more strong. ET: The medications do not work on her. DS: Medicament no van b6. G: Q art. G: And there only was spoken Catalan. ET: And there, only Catalan was spoken. G: And there Catalan!

Catalan Language and Literature in Roussillon, 1880–1906

We can sum up MMR's spontaneous language deficits as follows: at the lexical level, he showed a preference for copula verbs over full verbs and an anomia for proper names. Regarding the morphology of closed class elements, pronouns were generally misused in their accusative, dative and ablative forms although nominative forms were generally correctly used.

Nominative forms were used much more frequently than in normal speech. As for prepositions, MMR used one preposition preferentially a and systematically omitted articles when they followed a preposition. In general, articles tended not to be present. With respect to verb morphology, MMR clearly overused indicative and impersonal forms. Agreement errors were observed at the intmsyntagrnatic level noun-adjective agreement, determiner-noun agreement, pronoun-noun agreement , as well as at the intersyntagmatic level subject-verb agreement.

At the syntactic level, a reduction of productive resources was observed, which led to an overuse of simple clauses united by conjunctions, and errors whenever he tried to form complex clauses, a phenomenon rarely observed in MMR's discourse. Given that all speakers of Catalan are bilingual--in this case in Catalan and Spanish--it was not surprising to observe some intrusions from Spanish into MMR's Catalan output example 36 , mainly at the lexical level. G: Two times. ET: Twice. DS: Dos veces.

G: Two Spanish times Spanish. The next step was to compare these results for MMR's spontaneous language output with his linguistic behavior on the pertinent subtests of the BAT. The error rate increases to 3 out of in fact, MMR always chooses the last item heard--when the antonyms have to be morphological equivalents. MMR's syntactic competence was assessed with the grammaticality judgment and construction of phrases subtests. On the first of these two subtests, MMR made errors only on ungrammatical phrases, three of which he judged to be grammatical.

With regard to the construction of phrases subtest, MMR proved incapable of forming clauses containing complex NPs or of using the prepositions in PPs correctly. Verbs, once again, are used in their infinitive form. This lack of syntactic competence on the production side is confirmed by a rather peculiar impairment of the comprehension of syntactically complex material.

His comprehension scores were acceptable from the onset, at least for syntactically simple structures. He also presented a rather severe morphological and syntactic deficit. Although categorized as a typical Broca's aphasic, MMR shows some peculiarities, especially regarding his morphological and syntactic deficits which, in our opinion, have to be attributed to his native language, Catalan. Talking in the first place about the pronominal system of Catalan, we observed many errors in MMR's production, which generally took the form of omissions.

As mentioned in the second section of the paper on the relevant features of Catalan, the language permits relatively flee ordering of constituents within clauses. This, however, does not mean that anything goes. If an element is moved from its canonical positione. These pronouns only serve a filler- function in order to justify the stylistic movement of the complement, which must obligatorily be present at the surface level.

They do not serve any syntactic function, though. That is why MMR omits accusative, dative and ablative pronouns so often, when they serve the above-described emphatic function. He never omits them when they serve a referential function. This also explains the overuse of the nominative pronoun, as it is never used in this way. M M R ' s overuse of the most frequent and semantically most productive preposition a indicates that he seems to know when to put a preposition in a phrase--meaning that the structural principles of the prepositional system are basically intact.

Nevertheless, he seems to have a problem activating the correct prepositions. Once again, semantic reasons may be adduced to explain this phenomenon. In fact, the preposition in a PP in Catalan is inferable from the rest of the PP in the majority of cases; this makes prepositions vulnerable to a cerebral lesion that alters the linguistic competence of an individual.

MMR maintains the logical order of his propositions and tends to construct very simple clauses, and this ordering principle allows him to omit "semantically less relevant information". The presence of the preposition a seems to be due to its frequency of use, which makes it less vulnerable to omission. Articles are elements that are extremely important from a syntactic viewpoint in Catalan. Even proper names have to be introduced by the corresponding article.

Nevertheless, the semantic information masc. This, once again, makes them irrelevant for expressing the basic meaning of a clause. The errors of agreement observed between specifiers and nouns seem to indicate that there may be some remnants of structural knowledge. We find it difficult to account for these agreement errors--only very few instances were observed--as MMR was not specifically tested for perseveration of specifier-noun agreement.

The other intrasyntagmatic and intersyntagmatic agreement errors, on the other hand, seem to point towards an underlying deficit affecting agreement. This has to be interpreted in the light of the complexity of agreement in Catalan. Each morpheme has to express more than one function at a time, which makes them structurally more complex to compute. As the indicative and impersonal forms of verbs are much more frequently used, they must be preserved. Among the possible factors affecting sentence production, Kolk adduces temporal limitations in the normal dynamic flow of information processing, which produce asynchronies in the coordination of lexical retrieval and syntactic elaboration.

If, as we assume, MMR's lexical knowledge is better preserved, these asynchronies will affect, to a greater extent, the syntactic elaboration of sentences, as well as their comprehension. The predominance of nominal productions in MMR's discourse could be interpreted as a structural adaptation to the fact that verbs necessitate a greater load of syntactic processing, which seems to be most affected in MMR's linguistic system.

The use of syntactically easy copula verbs together with nouns permits him to create functional discourse, to some extent.

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As a result of this adaptation to limited resources, syntactically difficult structures such as negation or subordinate clauses are either not present in MMR's output or, if they are, are constructed erroneously. The presence of the same deficit in the comprehension of syntactically difficult structures passives, negative sentences, and sentences of the VSO type which do not follow the canonical order emphasizes this deficit at the syntactic level Nespoulous et al.

One last but very relevant fact about MMR's case of Broca's aphasia and, more generally, all types of aphasia in Catalan is the presence of intrusions from the second language, Spanish. These intrusions may help to overcome phonotactic difficulties - - r e m e m b e r that the phonotactic system of Catalan is much more complex than that of Spanish. In other cases, they seem to be strongly lexicalized elements that are used in the context of sentences with a high emotive content.

Address correspondence to: Dr. Clinical aspects of aphasia. Pizzamiglio Eds. Hove: Psychology Press. Damasio, A. Signs of aphasia. Sarno Ed. London: Academic Press. Garcia-Albea, J. Madrid: Ed. Goodglass, H. The assessment of aphasia and related disorders. The effects of task variation on the production of grammatical morphology in Broca's aphasia: A multiple case study.

Brain and Language. Junque, C. Differential recovery in naming in bilingual aphasics. Brain and Language, 36, Kay, J. Hove: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kolk, H. A time-based approach to agrammatic production. Brain and Language, 50, Agrammatism, paragrammatism and the management of language. Language and Cognitive Processes, 7, On parallelism between production and comprehension in agrammatism. Kean Ed. New York: Academic Press. Lecours, A. Menn, L. Agrammatic aphasia: A cross-language narrative sourcebook.

Moreno-Cabrera, J. Universales y tipologia lingiiistica. Madrid: Sintesis. Nespoulous, J. A case study. Brain and Language, 33, Paradis, M. Bilingual aphasia test Catalan version. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Pefia-Casanova, J. Programa integrado de exploraci6n neuropsicol6gica "Test Barcelona" Manual.

Catalan Language and Literature in Roussillon, – in: The Antiquarians of the Nation

Barcelona: Masson. Limits', 4, Selkirk, E. Smith Eds. Cambridge Mass. Valle, F. Yates, A. P: L'angl6s no m'agrada i a mi no m'agradaria, no, no i jo estic a casa. Aqui no! No, 6s que els altres no m'agraden. No volia. Quan treballava al moll si, per6 no vull no, no. G: E: What languages do you speak? P: The English I don't like and to me no would like, no, no and I am home. Here no! No, is that the others no to me like. No wanted lst pers. When worked lst pers. I don't like other languages. I didn't want to. I did so when I was working at the port, but I don't want to speak it now, no.

P: Anglrs No volia, quan treballo al moll si No, is that the others to me don't like. G: E: What is your mother tongue? From the day she left home and moved in with him, he has been drilling her on the finer points of how to score well on the SATs, has vetted every one of her homework assignments, has taught her the rudiments of calculus which is not offered by her high school , and has read dozens of novels, short stories, and poems out loud to her.

He, the young man without ambitions, the college dropout who spurned the trappings of his once privileged life, has taken it upon himself to become ambitious for her, to push her as far as she is willing to go. The first priority is college, a good college with a full scholarship, and once she is in, he feels the rest will take care of itself. At the moment, she is dreaming of becoming a registered nurse, but things will eventually change, he is certain of that, and he is fully confident that she has it in her to go on to medical school one day and become a doctor. She was the one who proposed moving in with him.

It never would have occurred to him to suggest such an audacious plan himself, but Pilar was determined, at once driven by a desire to escape and enthralled by the prospect of sleeping with him every night, and after she begged him to go to Angela, the major breadwinner of the clan and therefore the one with the final word on all family decisions, he met with the oldest Sanchez girl and managed to talk her into it. She was reluctant at first, claiming that Pilar was too young and inexperienced to consider such a momentous step. Yes, she knew her sister was in love with him, but she didn't approve of that love because of the difference in their ages, which meant that sooner or later he would grow bored with his adolescent plaything and leave her with a broken heart.

He answered that it would probably end up being the reverse, that he would be the one left with a broken heart. Then, brushing aside all further talk of hearts and feelings, he presented his case in purely practical terms. Pilar didn't have a job, he said, she was a drag on the family finances, and he was in a position to support her and take that burden off their hands. It wasn't as if he would be abducting her to China, after all. Their house was only a fifteen-minute walk from his apartment, and they could see her as often as they liked. To clinch the bargain, he offered them presents, any number of things they craved but were too strapped to buy for themselves.

In other words, Pilar now lives with him because he bribed the family. He bought her. Yes, she is in love with him, and yes, in spite of his qualms and inner hesitations, he loves her back, however improbable that might seem to him. Note here for the record that he is not someone with a special fixation on young girls.

Until now, all the women in his life have been more or less his own age. Pilar therefore does not represent an embodiment of some ideal female type for him—she is merely herself, a small piece of luck he stumbled across one afternoon in a public park, an exception to every rule. Nor can he explain to himself why he is attracted to her. He admires her intelligence, yes, but that is finally of scant importance, since he has admired the intelligence of other women before her without feeling the least bit attracted to them. He finds her pretty, but not exceptionally pretty, not beautiful in any objective way although it could also be argued that every seventeen-year-old girl is beautiful, for the simple reason that all youth is beautiful.

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But no matter. He has not fallen for her because of her body or because of her mind. What is it, then? What holds him here when everything tells him he should leave? Because of the way she looks at him, perhaps, the ferocity of her gaze, the rapt intensity in her eyes when she listens to him talk, a feeling that she is entirely present when they are together, that he is the only person who exists for her on the face of the earth.

Sometimes, when he takes out his camera and shows her his pictures of the abandoned things, her eyes fill up with tears. There is a soft, sentimental side to her that is almost comic, he feels, and yet he is moved by that softness in her, that vulnerability to the aches of others, and because she can also be so tough, so talkative and full of laughter, he can never predict what part of her will surge forth at any given moment. It can be trying in the short run, but in the long run he feels it is all to the good.

He who has denied himself so much for so many years, who has been so stolid in his abnegations, who has taught himself to rein in his temper and drift through the world with cool, stubborn detachment has slowly come back to life in the face of her emotional excesses, her combustibility, her mawkish tears when confronted by the image of an abandoned teddy bear, a broken bicycle, or a vase of wilted flowers.

The first time they went to bed together, she assured him she was no longer a virgin. He took her at her word, but when the moment came for him to enter her, she pushed him away and told him he mustn't do that. The mommy hole was off-limits, she said, absolutely forbidden to male members. Tongues and fingers were acceptable, but not members, under no condition at any time, not ever.

He had no idea what she was talking about. He was wearing a condom, wasn't he? They were protected, and there was no need to worry about anything. Ah, she said, but that's where he was wrong. Teresa and her husband always believed in condoms too, and look what happened to them. Nothing was more frightening to Pilar than the thought of becoming pregnant, and she would never risk her fate by trusting in one of those iffy rubbers. She would rather slit her wrists or jump off a bridge than get herself knocked up. Did he understand? Yes, he understood, but what was the alternative?

The funny hole , she said. Angela had told her about it, and he had to admit that from a strictly biological and medical standpoint it was the one truly safe form of birth control in the world. Such are the anomalies and idiosyncrasies of their love life, which is nevertheless a rich love life, a splendid erotic partnership that shows no signs of abating anytime soon. In the end, it is this sexual complicity that binds him fast to her and holds him in the hot nowhere-land of ruined and empty houses. He is bewitched by her skin.

He is a prisoner of her ardent young mouth. He is at home in her body, and if he ever finds the courage to leave, he knows he will regret it to the end of his days. About this Guide The following author biography and list of questions about Sunset Park are intended as resources to aid individual readers and book groups who would like to learn more about the author and this book.

We hope that this guide will provide you a starting place for discussion, and suggest a variety of perspectives from which you might approach Sunset Park. About the Book From the bestselling author of Invisible and The New York Trilogy comes a new novel set during the economic collapse. Sunset Pa rk opens with twenty-eight-year-old Miles Heller trashing out foreclosed houses in Florida, the latest stop in his flight across the country. When Miles falls in love with Pilar Sanchez, he finds himself fleeing once again, going back to New York, where his family still lives, and into an abandoned house of young squatters in Sunset Park, Brooklyn.

His work has been translated into more than 40 languages. He lives in Brooklyn, New York. See All Customer Reviews. Shop Books. Add to Wishlist. USD 8. Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Explore Now. Buy As Gift. Enfonsat pel sentiment de culpa a causa de la mort del seu germanastre, fa set anys que en Miles viu com un fugitiu a Florida i no es comunica ni amb el seu pare -un editor independent que tracta desesperadament de salvar el seu negoci i el seu matrimoni i recuperar el seu fill-, ni amb la seva mare, una reconeguda actriu.

About the Author.

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Hometown: Brooklyn, New York. Date of Birth: February 3, Place of Birth: Newark, New Jersey. Education: B. Read an Excerpt 1 For almost a year now, he has been taking photographs of abandoned things. Show More. Reading Group Guide About this Guide The following author biography and list of questions about Sunset Park are intended as resources to aid individual readers and book groups who would like to learn more about the author and this book.

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Cartes Balthazar Catalan Edition. Billie Catalan Edition. La Billie i el Franck ho tenien tot per viure una vida molt fotuda. Tot, realment