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Irish travellers ind themselves repeatedly caught between a reluctance to glorify in speciicity and lag-waving and a genuine desire to be taken as they are and not as someone else, not, in other words, as fraudulent messengers of a culture they know increasingly by hearsay. Translation Words not only travel in the accounts of travellers, they are also borne from language to language and culture to culture by the labours of translators. Translations make permanent the traces of contact. When a patent was granted to the Abbey heatre in the name of Lady Gregory, one of the clauses in the patent restricted the Abbey to performances of contemporary Irish dramas and continental European masterpieces.

Furthermore, both Yeats and Gregory saw ainities between the Irish folk drama that the Abbey sought to en- 9 For a survey of Irish translation activity over the centuries, see Cronin a. A stated aim of the new government of the Irish Free State was to restore Irish as the primary vernacular of the Irish people.

A modern vernacular demanded a modern literature and policy makers were in- spired by Welsh and Flemish examples to provide contemporary lit- erature for Irish speakers through a system of government-aided trans- lation projects. As a direct result of the scheme, by over 99 books had been translated into Irish. However, the bulk of translations were from the English language. Not only the translators but also most of the readers were familiar with English, so there were few incentives to read Great Expectations or Ivanhoe in Irish when there was easy access to the originals in English.

Beck- ett, Devlin, MacGreevy and Cofey were the leading translators of the earlier period and the source languages for their translations were mainly French, German, Italian and Spanish Cofey ; Devlin ; Paz ; Fitch What is striking about these writers, of course, is that they are also seen as the standard bearers of Irish literary modernism in the century. Translation, then, is both source and statement.

To translate the poems of Gaston Bonheur Cofey or Rainer Marie Rilke Devlin is to bring new poetic ideas and sensibilities into the language and into the speciic oeuvre of the poet-translator. Modern- ism is tapped at its French, German or Italian sources. Translation, and in particular the choice of poet to be translated, also advertise an unwillingness to adopt forms, themes and conventions deemed to be stilingly canonic in the Irish tradition.

A signiicant diference from the earlier pe- riod was the widening of the range of source languages and, in par- ticular, a greater interest in the languages and literatures of Central and Eastern Europe. Brown argues that Away is tellingly like Home: For poets such places [in Eastern Europe] come with the imprint of a savage and terrible history on their very structures, bearing the marks of pain in the lesh of their language, courage in the syntactical scruple with which they comfort themselves in the face of ter- ror.

In the translations and poems, West met East as Irish literature found writing whose imaginary contours matched the harsh realities of Irish fact. If the writers of the s saw translation as an oblique expres- sion of canonical dissent, writers in the s are similarly drawn to the subversive possibility of translation, but the subversion is more explicitly political in the identiication of the Irish writer with the con- science of Eastern dissidence. Many were painfully real. When Dermot Bolger irst thought of compiling an anthology of work written by young Irish writers living abroad, the initial title was Lines of Departure.

Ever since Joyce discovered the shortest way to Tara was via Holyhead […] hundreds of thousands of us have followed the unwashed and bright-eyed Stephen Dedalus, on that heartbreaking, exhilarating and, frequently, stomach-churning jour- ney across the snotgreen sea. One of the efects of this out-migration is the appearance of diferent European cultures in the works of contemporary Irish short story writers and novelists.

And more than learning anything about Italy, I had found out more about my own country, simply by not being in it. In addition, the obstacles to the understanding of otherness sharpen the sense of self, the foreign setting providing the stimulus for a pilgrimage of origin. Aspects of Irish culture and history, private and public, are underscored by the shock therapy of the un- familiar.

Renata suddenly seems immeasurably distant as she speaks in her own language to the doctor in Casualty. We were both Caesar and Vercingetorix. Which is to say we were nothing, no- where. Recorded in story after story of European encounters is the added danger of exoticism, where historical atypicality is reiied to produce the dream-child of impe- rial nostalgia. Irish-European literary relationships throughout the twentieth century have been sustained by imagination and curiosity. Further Eu- ropean integration would seem to promise an intensiication of these relationships, particularly given the general Europhilia of the Irish elec- torate.

However, Irish cultural attention since the s in literature, the ine arts and popular music has been directed largely towards the English-speaking world, notably Britain and the United States. Liter- ary translation from other European languages remains a distinctly minority taste and the literature component has been dropped from foreign language programmes at second level, so that exposure to the languages and literatures of Europe for many Irish readers and writ- ers is an increasingly rare experience see Cronin b. Irish literature, if it is to live and grow, must get into contact on the one hand with its own European past and, on the other, with the mind of contemporary Europe.

Beck- ett would hardly disagree. Maurice Scully and John Goodby. Fitch, Brian T. Mackey, James P. Marletta, Paolo , Dormitio Virginis, trans. Nagy, Agnes Nemes , Between, trans. Samuel Beckett, London, Calder and Boyars. Sorescu, Marin , he Youth of Don Quixote, trans. John F. Deane, Dublin, Dedalus. Trakl, Georg , Craorag, trans. Gabriel Rosenstock, Dublin, Car- bad. Translating the New Scotland Diana Bianchi The New Scottish Literature A phenomenon that has recently characterised the British literary scene is the iction produced in Scotland in the last two decades.

Of- ten deined as the New Scottish Literature, or seen as part of the New Scottish Renaissance, this literature has certainly made waves in the Western literary world, especially through Irvine Welsh who, with Trainspotting was the irst to draw signiicant popular atten- tion towards this literary production. Italian readers, for instance, who would like to ind out more about Scottish Literature after read- ing the anthology Acidi Scozzesi would ind it hard to get much information. Since Scottish Literature is not in- stitutionalised, it is rarely taught in universities and there is no na- tional canon that can provide a point of reference.

Walter Scott, R. Stevenson — is, in the mind of most readers, thought of as part of English Literature and is taught in Italian schools as such. Because of this gap in the Italian cultural system, it is clear that the translation of these writers into Italian begs the question of how they can be categorised.

It focuses on the paratextual elements, such as titles, the information on the cover, forewords, afterwords and notes as these elements can be seen as having a more immediate efect on the readers and ofer an insight into how these books have interpreted Scottish writing for their readers. Most commentators, in and outside Scotland, tend to use this term to describe the literary production that has developed in the last twenty 1 his does not necessarily depend on the fact that Scotland is not an independent country. In particular, the latest generation of Scottish writers started to rewrite the country, expressing new ideas about the mean- ing of Scottishness, rejecting a dominant or all-embracing concept of identity, and looking at the national symbols from an ironic and iconoclastic perspective cf.

March For example, some of these writers use Scots to displace the authority of standard English as a narrative voice. We ind this especially in Kelman and Welsh who have employed this strategy in diferent ways, using diferent varieties of Scots, but who both share the common goal of highlighting the alien quality of English. In women writers the use of Scots tends to be just as complex as it is also combined with issues of gender.

From this brief examination it is clear how the Scottishness of the texts and the dialectical relationship they establish with past Scottish and English Literature is an important element of these works. In ad- dition, the use of Scots clearly goes further than enhancing authentic- ity and enlivening characterisation — as in traditional realist iction — since it has obvious links with issues of identity. Diana Bianchi 51 prestige in terms of recognition from the literary world. While it is not diicult to understand why Welsh was translated, it is less clear why Warner and Hird were chosen rather than, for example, Janice Galloway or Duncan McLean.

Since the origi- nal title is perfectly translatable into Italian it is not clear why in this case a diferent strategy was chosen. However we may notice that the English noun is more ambiguous in that it does not deine exactly what or who is ilthy and in what sense. By personalising the title with Il lercio, the novel narrows the focus solely on the unpleasant main character. Nevertheless, it seems an odd choice since the images evoked by the two expressions are obviously very diferent and convey diferent messages to the readers.

Of his three novels, two have been rendered with titles that are a fairly faithful rendering of the original with the exception of his irst book, Morvern Callar Again we may wonder why this strategy was chosen. An explanation could be that of clarifying the title for an Italian readership, although since the name Morvern Callar is obscure even to Anglophone readers, other motives may have been involved.

Retaining the original title here would be wholly in keeping with preserving the sense of mystery surrounding the heroine, whose actions are followed in detail throughout the book but whose motivations are never clearly explained. Anthologies and collections are also very important when a new literature is introduced in a target culture. With Irvine Welsh, author of the novel Trainspotting, there is a team of writers who have turned their strip of land into a place where the most promising, exhilarating, biased stories on the planet are made.

Italian a and the subsequent ilm adap- tation. Here the paratextual elements do not provide any link with Welsh, or with other writers or literary tradition. On the contrary both the translation and the cover information erase the speciicity of place, which in the original was conveyed through the distinctive Scottish voice of the stories themselves.

In the Italian version the cover infor- mation refers to the stories in a sort of impersonal way, almost as if they had written themselves. In so doing, her stories are efectively deined by what they are not. It is also clear that the main marketing strategy behind the new Scottish writers has been that of playing down the Scottishness of their books and their darker, more disquieting aspects.

Laidlaw was originally published in and the author is not normally regarded as a representative of new Scottish writing, although Kravitz does include him in his collection in the same group as Kelman and Gray. In Laidlaw it obviously has the function of stopping the readers from assuming that the language of the original is English. In addition it strengthens their awareness regarding the exist- ence of Scottish speciicity.

Here we ind a strategy that is diametrically opposed to that em- ployed by the other publishers we have considered, as the Scottishness of the work is highlighted rather than being hidden. A inal paragraph in the postfazione also provides some biographical details about the translator, highlighting his knowledge of the Scottish context and his personal contact with the writer.

It is clear, then, that the aim in translating these writers is not only that of importing particular liter- ary models as is generally the case when a new literature is introduced into the system of a target culture cf. Even-Zohar Diana Bianchi 57 Conclusion his paper has focused on the ways in which translations of the New Scottish Literature have been presented to an Italian readership.

As we have seen, publishing houses such as Giovanni Tranchida seem to have done this through an emphasis on Scottish identity highlight- ing the foreign status of the books and their importance as cultural objects through a series of textual strategies. While this strategy has many advantages, we cannot help feeling that some of the people involved in the opera- tion will lose out. Traini, Teorie con- temporanee della traduzione, ed. Siri Nergaard, Milan, Bompiani, Gray, Alistair , Poor hings, London, Bloomsbury.

Sara Paraini, Milan, Marcos y Marcos. Norman Gobetti, Turin, Einaudi. March, Cristie L. McClure, Derrick J. Indagine a Glasgow, trans. Carmine Mezzacappa, Milan, Giovanni Tranchida. Mezzacappa, Carmine , Tecnica e passione della traduzione. Diana Bianchi 59 — , Rave Girl, trans. Edmonda Brucella, Parma, Guanda. Edmonda Brucella, Mi- lan, TeaDue. Giuliana Zeuli, Parma, Guanda. Massimo Bocchiola, Parma, Guanda. Williamson, Kevin ed. Gino Scatasta, Turin, Einaudi.

In par- ticolare si esamineranno le tappe attraverso le quali due monologhi tratti da Talking Heads del celebre drammaturgo britannico Alan Ben- nett sono stati, in una prima fase, proposti in traduzione italiana e pubblicati come testo letterario e, in seguito, adattati per la scena in una produzione che ha visto protagonista la nota attrice italiana Anna Marchesini. A partire da questo momento ci riferiremo alla traduzione in lingua italiana dei monologhi, indicando non il nome dei singoli traduttori, quanto il volume.

Quasimo- do risulta co-traduttore del monologo insieme a Rose. I due attori nello spet- tacolo si sono presentati sul palco con i monologhi stampati su carta, come per una lettura scenica, e hanno interpretato la nostra versione italiana senza apportare alcuna modiica al testo. Ho letto centinaia di testi prima di tornare a lui e alla grazia con cui riproduce le micropatologie della gente comune. Traduzione, adattamento e regia dello spettacolo sono tutti irmati da Marchesini stessa. In the theatrical system, the ability to write an adaptation is usually valued more highly in eco- nomic terms than the expertise in the source language of the text to be translated.

Un pubblico non certo preparato a vedere uno spettacolo di un autore del tutto sconosciuto, fatta eccezione, forse, per coloro che avevano letto dello spettacolo su quotidiani nazionali prima di andare a vederlo. Possiamo solo supporre che nella tratta- tiva per i diritti, questo elemento o non si sia fatto presente, oppure si sia trovato un escamotage per poter evitare la citazione del nome di Bennett, nonostante il titolo stesso fosse una traduzione letterale del monologo A Chip in the Sugar. A onor di cronaca, nei titoli di testa della programmazione televisiva dello spetta- colo per RAI2 il nome di Bennett compariva quale autore del primo atto dello spettacolo.

I diritti per la traduzioni, sono, inoltre, stati versati regolarmente a tutti i traduttori. Marchesini ha afermato di aver operato solo dei tagli dovuti a esigenze sceniche, oppure laddove il testo comico non avrebbe potuto funzion- are per via del valore assunto da certi culture-speciic items nella cultura di partenza comunicazione personale. Beh, his mother. La Signora, anything. In is over the moon. Graham, sua madre e Lesley sono tre person- aggi probabili nella cultura di partenza, mentre Marchesini trasforma questi protagonisti in vere e proprie caricature, esagerandone i carat- teri isici e trasformandoli in maschere teatrali.

Did Ni- Finalmente Simon fa capolino. Finalmente Simon fa capolino. Nigel the one who can water ski? Ma tu giocare a scacchi? Disce: side for being a director. He just does all the rigere? Quello non saprebbe per dirigere un film? E io Scott, ma allora il regista chi ther. I went to Germany once. Sono have a lot to talk about.

Sono stata in Germania una volta, a feeling Scott is gay. Di solito mi sono simpati- ci, ma lui sembra uno di quelli later when this other young ci, ma lui sembra uno di quelli inaciditi. Diverse ore dopo sto ancora se- ther? I could learn. Sto meditando il suici- cidio. Mi hanno appena detto picked up the skateboard in dio. E five minutes. Someone with avventurose in Costa del Sol. Allora vedo un tizio seduto one fellow in there. In charge of the cat. I detto agli animali. Si occupa to interessante. Si chiama Kenny, to be a cat. I love cats. I love pione era prevista una gatta.

Interes- dogs too, but I love cats. E lui: gli animali nel film. Dice: her? It zebra, una foca, un alligatore cosa hai capito Lesley, pra- was going to be caught later e tutta una banda di furetti. Sarebbe stata pe- sono salita in camera sua e ot it in close-up so it would scata nel secondo tempo del ho fatto amicizia con la gatta look bigger.

Era piuttosto piccola, e poi Kenny mi fa vedere la ma le avrebbero fatto un pri- sua trota. Era piuttosto piccolo, ma gli avrebbero fatto un primo piano e sarebbe diventato gi- gantesco. Eh… Bastasse un primo piano. Essays Presented to Ernst Leisi, ed. Richard J. Pino is a mysterious hit-man; silent and emotionally damaged, he is constantly on the verge of exploding into violent anger.

Nunzio is his unlikely lat-mate, a sick factory-worker threatened by lung failure and on the run from the local hospital. Exiled in their grim apartment in the inhospitable north, the two are 1 In I was asked to translate for British audiences a play written in the Messinese dialect by the Sicilian playwright Spiro Scimone. As he packs his suitcase and prepares for their last meal together, Nunzio, partly innocent, partly capricious, nudges him through a labyrinth of familiar motifs, from women and food, to death and religion, and with childlike simplicity challenges the incommunicability of their shared existence.

Locating these references in an English-speaking context threatens both symbolic richness and signifying potential. PINO: Da calzetta. PINO: Mancu un regolamentu internu? PINO: Chi dissi jo? PINO: Yeah. PINO: Some people sleep wi thir shoes oan, an some people sleep wi thir shoes oaf. It depends. PINO: Oan the soacks. So thir isnae a special law then? PINO: his isnae a special law. PINO: his isnae even a rule. PINO: hen ye cannae sleep in the sleeper. PINO: Ay course ye kin sleep if ye want tae. But it isnae right! PINO: Awright, ine.

Yir right. Hiv ye ewer thoat aboot that? PINO: Ah doen want tae fuckin think aboot it. PINO: Ah doen care. One of the cheapest ways to travel back home to visit families and friends is the overnight train and this experi- ence has to some extent entered the collective consciousness and is rep- resentative of a somewhat sentimental sense of longing and nostalgia. Italian audi- ences can respond to the intimate familiarity of symbols such as these.

Clearly, the English-speaking spectator cannot gain access to this shared meaning through the vehicle of familiarity. So what strategies can the translator employ in order to make this text mean something and matter to a non-Italian spectator even if the culture-bound meanings are unfamil- iar? Aixela, again, deines the problematic in these terms: Cultural asymmetry between two linguistic commu- nities is necessarily relected in the discourses of their members, with the potential opacity and unacceptabil- ity this may involve for the target culture system.

In fact, it is this very claim to dominance that the play Nunzio subverts. What gives this play its dynamic identity, then, is the tension it reveals between minority and majority languages. Another way of saying this is that at the centre of the play we ind diference. Even more important: a diference generally implies positive terms between which the diference is set up; but in language there are only diferences without positive terms. Jennifer Varney 89 Power he discussion of familiarity and diference collocates quite obviously within broader a discourse of power, which since has been one of the key themes underpinning translation studies Tymoczko and Gentzler xiii.

Alvarez and Vidal remind us that translation al- ways implies an unstable balance in terms of the power one culture can exert over another 4. Feeding into these discourses of power is the post-colonial branch of translation studies which gained impetus in the s Tymoczko and Gentzler xv and which fore-grounds the discussion of for- eignness. Simi- larly, Lawrence Venuti has shown how the luent strategies of English language translators which aim for maximum readability in the target language sacriice any sense of otherness by obscuring diference.

Maintaining a sense of foreignness in the translation of Nunzio would appear doubly nec- essary, given that foreignness and diference already function as key themes. To reproduce the source text, which gains its subversive power through its play on the majority-minority theme, in a majority language would not only be to drain the play of its life-blood, politically speaking such a translational strategy could be accused of negligence and irresponsibility.

For exam- ple, Francis Jones sheds considerable light on the ethical and ideologi- cal issues bound up with the act of translation in his recent essay on translating poetry during the Yugoslav crisis. His thesis is that transla- tions cannot be divorced of their ethical and socio-political repercus- sions and that issues of power are more signiicant than the translation strategy per se in determining source-culture representation.

To this end, the translator was able to turn to the Welsh, Irish and Scottish varieties of English as possible target text languages. After consideration of these possibilities, the Welsh option was reject- ed as unsuitable on the grounds of its sound quality being too soft, too musical to be an appropriate counterpart to the hard, rhythmic raw- ness of the Messinese.

At the time of translation , Irish theatre and Irish playwrights were enjoying a great deal of success in English theatres, especially theatres in Lon- don. Scottish English, then, was deemed the most suit- able choice, especially given that its sound quality reproduced more faithfully than the other options the rhythm and texture of the source text.

Si fa il segno della croce. Take this cough away fae us. He makes the sign of the cross. Scimone 1 Translating Culture-Specific Items he other major problem facing the translator in this particular scene is how to reproduce the role occupied by religion. Clearly the efect of religion difers between the two cultural contexts. And yet, this inability to replicate exactly might actu- ally provide us with our solution. If the translator is committed to a representation of the other in all its otherness, then naturalisation of culture-bound elements, even when such elements function according to a relationship of familiarity between symbol and spectator, cannot be a viable option.

Indeed, these culture-speciic signs function as sign- posts pointing back to the foreign situation contained in the source text. PINO No, chi fai? PINO Comu i motti. PINO Naw, what? PINO Like they do fae dead people. And yet what we may ind, paradoxically, is that the same meaningfulness might be achieved, though on diferent terms. Where the source text relies on familiarity to create a text which means something to source culture audiences, the target text relies on a certain foreignness to create not an equal, but an equally meaningful experience in the target culture.

Let us consider another example. Senza pinsari troppu! Versa il vino nei bicchieri. PINO Menu mali chi u capisti. Yid risk yir neck ir some- one whae knows how tae git oan wi ye. PINO Hah! Me, risk ma neck ir someone! Yea, right! Ah wouldae ewen think twice aboot it! PINO Locked in a drawer? In ma pants! Ma Ma made thum fae me when ah left home n came doon hair tae work. She made thum cos she wis faert thit someone would nick all ma dosh. PINO Ye know ye coulda goat n infection fae that n yid huv ended up in hoishpitaw. PINO Lucky ye realised! English-speaking audiences might not recognise the emblem- atic, almost mythical quality of this cultural reference; it will not tap the reservoir of shared cultural experience.

And yet the scene has a poignancy to it, even in a target text which cannot use the same de- gree of cultural familiarity to manoeuvre meaning. For Arrojo, the principle of abusive idel- ity as used by certain feminist translators is self-contradictory to the extent that one cannot claim idelity to a text one is trying to subvert. Clearly the issues of whether, how and why translator-creativity should be constrained raise complex ques- tions and translation studies would beneit from further research into this area. Conclusion: Meaningful Texts To recapitulate, the minority language of the source text the Messi- nese dialect might be said to gain its own subversive power from the way in which it bounces of and undermines the hegemony of the majority language standard Italian.

In this case, any translation strategy that would involve the rewriting of the source text in a majority language would drain the play of its socio-political signiicance. On a level of culture-speciic items, any attempt to naturalise these signs in a move towards favouring the readability of the target text for target audiences would not only jeopardise that which renders the source text particular, it would constitute an act of irresponsibility im- plying a drive towards the establishment of a mono-culture and the undermining and eventual eradication of diference.

What we tend to overlook when discussing the translation of cul- ture-speciic items is the fact that a foreign efect can be just as forceful, poignant or meaningful, though diferent, as a familiar efect. Lawrence Venuti, London, Routledge, Hermans, heo , Translation in Systems, Manchester, St.

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Lewis, Phillip E. Jennifer Varney, London, Arcadia. Tymoczko, Maria and Edwin Gentzler eds. Language is used as a marker of ethnic boundaries and as an efective nation-building strategy when a generally pre-existing linguistic boundary is politicized by the eforts of a nationalist movement or party. It might then be strategically em- phasised and related to other grievances, such as economic or status- related ones. But what happens when no clear linguistic divide is avail- able, and yet an ethno-nationalist formation still attempts to mobilise the full set of territorial identity markers to achieve political viability?

How can language play a role in such a context? To address this is- sue, I will examine the politicised use of northern Italian dialects and regional variants of standard Italian by the ethno-nationalist move- ment the Northern League the Lega henceforth. In discussing the linguistic strategies of the Lega I will also briely look at the language use of other ethno-nationalist movements and will propose a typology of linguistic strategies that ethno-nationalists utilise.

It emerged in Italy in the early eighties, initially as a strong social movement and subsequently as a political party, expanding in less than a decade to reach twenty percent of the vote of Lombardy, the wealthiest region in Italy Bior- cio ; Diamanti ; Ruzza and Schmidtke An efective mix of ethno-nationalism and a new conservative ethos propelled the Lega into national politics.

In recent years, its expansion has halted and its share of the vote has gone into signiicant decline, but it has nevertheless retained a strong loyalty among a core of old-time sup- porters Ruzza a. Meanwhile, other parties and movements have appropriated some of its key policy ideas, grievances, and even parliamentarians Ruzza b. Being one of the latest ethno-nationalist move- ments to emerge in Europe, the raw building blocks of nationhood are still clearly visible.

But language use is less self-evident and requires additional investigation. In these areas, local dialects have been promoted by the Lega to the role of politically repressed languages, leading to a host of relections and political statements on language use, the examination of which will constitute the empirical material for this analysis. However, these studies do not pay close attention to the role of language in the creation of a northern Italian political identity. It is a role that is frequently men- tioned as part of a range of symbolic elements, but one that requires special attention.

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Language is more than a symbolic marker of belong- ing. It is important to the status of ethnic groups as it gives a sense of cultural coherence to the group, but this can be extremely varied across groups, depending on a host of factors related to the social interac- tions of language users, as theories of nationalism often argue. For instance, its relationship with neighbouring languages, the ease with which migrants can learn it and its status for elites has been shown to be important in this respect Conversi Language and Nationalism heories of nationalism often stress the crucial role of language as a building block for anchoring nationalist sentiments and as a funda- mental tool of elites in the parallel process of nation-building and state-building.

As Eric Hobsbawm argues, entire strata of intellectuals, schoolteachers, jour- nalists or state oicials have deined their existence and social stand- ing in terms of the legitimacy of speciic language policies and taken strong positions on controversial norms of language use In periods of European state-building the ultimate aim of nationalists was ensuring the coincidence of the nation with the language commu- nity and therefore guaranteeing that languages remained among the most powerful symbols of national identity.

In Europe, minority nationalists often use language to express an essential diference between their outlook and the per- spective of the majority. Language delimits ethnic borders which cor- respond to essentialised cultural traits. In their view, language expresses and preserves distinctive cultures, and its use is thus a politicized act of resistance against assimilation in diferent systems of values. Politics play a fundamental role not only in the linguistic dynamics of selection and exclusion involved in the parallel processes of state- building and nation-building but also in deining what a language community is — a diicult and politically loaded question Keyitz Political factors deine what linguistic elements are relevant in establishing social borders in communities Urciuoli On the other hand, they might mediate its de-politicisation, loss of prestige, and weakening as happened for instance with Catalan in the Valencian area Archiles and Marti Resistance to centralism — in this case linguistic cen- tralism — is particularly recurrent in stateless European nations.

Stronger regionalism and stronger regional identities are, on the other hand, more easily attainable but require the creation of ethnic boundaries, and, in this operation, language plays a central role. In this context, ethno-nationalist movements merely contribute to a reawakening of cultural particularities through- out Europe by ofering a repertoire of ways of supporting local identi- ties among which language claims are among the most efective. Both historically and in the recent past, the feeling of common belonging that sustains nationalism has often been enhanced by a common language or the assertion of the existence of a common language , which has therefore frequently been used as a means of identifying communities.

Together with the vast array of symbols and historical myths that sustain national identity, language can often dif- ferentiate insiders from outsiders Edelman However, the situation is somewhat diferent when the linguistic community does not have to assert itself as such against other states, but instead against internal minorities as reluctant actors in long con- cluded processes of state-building and nation-building.

The Case of Minority Languages and Their Relation to Minor- ity Nationalism in Contemporary Europe his importance of language as a marker of separatist or autonomist identities has been recognised by scholars of minority nationalism who have framed language use among the strategies and counter-strategies of relationships between national and peripheral elites Hecter Nevertheless, most scholars of ethno-nationalism concentrate on cases that exhibit observable linguistic congruence among the lo- calities that constitute their areas of study.

In addition, internal migration and, more recently, migration from a wide variety of countries, has further complicated the issue of territo- rial belonging. Standard languages can be the historically constructed outcome of deliberate processes of state-building and nation-building activities. As there is essentially no clear way of diferentiating languages from dialects except for their political institutionalisation, when the diference between the two is notable, the marginalisation of dialects by the activities of a state could often be added to the repertoire of grievances by ethno-nationalist movements Haugen Language and Nationalism in Italy As elsewhere, in Italy at its inception, nationalism was essentially a middle-class issue and had as its aims national uniication and cultural unity.

Hence, during the Risorgimento, the prevalent elite attitude toward language was one of minimising internal linguistic diference by formalising language in a way that would empower the intellec- tual classes, and by emphasising external linguistic diference. More than in other countries, however, nation-building was the concern of a small elite.

Culturally, Italy remained characterised by a myriad of often mutually unintelligible dialects. Socio-economic considerations meant that Italians did not have suicient formal education to master both a standard language and a dialect Clark; De Mauro Carlo Ruzza his economic and cultural situation changed radically in the post- war period. Italy experienced an economic boom in the s, and the post-war generation, which grew up in a relatively aluent soci- ety, enjoyed wider access to formal education. Additionally, from the s, mass culture, most prominently promoted by television, led to the spread of a standard national dialect.

Instruments of political mobilisation such as parties, trade unions and certain social move- ments gained prominence throughout civil society, and also acted as instruments of linguistic homogenisation, especially after a new politi- cally active industrial proletariat of diferent regional backgrounds was formed in northern cities. As a result of all these changes, in many regions standard Italian took on prestige and importance and began to supplant local dialects for an increasingly large portion of the population. Some dialectal uses became widespread at the national level, and a dominance of some variants started to emerge.

For instance, in the seventies, one commen- tator noted that the Roman variant was being incorporated more fre- quently than all other variants in the standard dialect Pellegrini Up to this point, with some exceptions, the use of dialect dominated among families and in everyday life. But dur- ing the sixties and seventies, the proportion of habitual Italian speakers grew signiicantly. Hence we can characterise the Italian population of this period as in general bilingual and diglossic Berruto In the last few decades, there is every reason to believe that this pro- portion has increased still further.

However, in comparison to other European countries, the proportion of exclusively standard language speakers is still limited. Dialects have maintained a primacy, especially in informal contexts, that is probably unique in Europe. Italy retains what is in efect a form of widespread diglossia Ruzza An intermediate linguistic form between dialect and standard Italian might also be adopted in such cases. Against this background, standard language use has recently been threatened in some areas by regionalist movements which utilise local dialects as a basis for anchoring resurgent ethno-nationalist sentiments.

In other areas, the same has happened, but less vigorously, where local linguistic variations channel feelings of identity and thereby replace, to some extent, a weak national identity with regional identities. Language in the Political Culture and Communication Strat- egy of the Lega Language issues feature centrally in all the Lega media — radio, televi- sion, newspapers and magazines. Radio Padania frequently broadcasts songs in local northern dialects; phone-in programmes host dialect speakers; and talk shows feature participants who talk in a local dialect.

Vulgarity is sometimes raised to the status of a virtue because it pos- sesses a simplicity and directness that is felt to be lacking elsewhere. A new linguistic invention — a language code taken directly from the street and imported into the political arena — has increasingly replaced dialect. Using this language variant is now the default linguistic strategy of the Lega. In both cases, the territorial claim to self-determination could be sustained and grounded linguistically.

As the purpose of this analysis is to document the multiple ways in which language contributes to ethnic identity, a variety of linguis- tic and socio-linguistic questions were considered. Attention was paid to issues ranging from the structural features of the language used in political communication, to claims about the language, to the types of texts that were chosen for reproduction in the activist media.

In constructing a typology of ethno-nationalist language use, one has to diferentiate the two strategies of populist speech in simpliied Italian and dialect revival that refer not only to the diferent languages used but to diferent social registers as well. But in ad- dition to populist language use, four other language functions have emerged from the analysis of the use of local dialects. E la nostra storia, le nostre radici lin- guistiche quale ruolo potranno svolgere in una scuola organizzata secondo regole contrarie alla nostra ap- partenenza culturale? It is also possibly exclusionary to the extent that speakers know that cen- tral and southern Italians would not be able to understand the songs broadcast.

And in any event, knowledge of the local language can be used as a ilter. But, what role would our language, our linguistic roots be able to play in a school which is organised along rules contrary to our cultural belonging? Non vi capiscono? Ma voi siete a casa vostra! Incerti and Polli 5 3 Claiming historical relevance Several scholars have noted the long-lasting character of nationalism in the contemporary world and the connection between nationalism and ethnicity. In the name of congruence between cultural and politi- cal units, empires have dissolved and the number of nation states is constantly growing Keyitz Nationalism and ethnicity come to mutually construct and support each other.

As Craig Calhoun notes, nationalism remains the dominant discourse for attempts to demar- cate political communities and to claim rights of self-determination and legitimate rule. But its claims can be connected in turn to claims of ethnic distinctiveness which are stronger in cases in which recogni- tion rather than separation is the main political goal Calhoun Taking a courteous attitude, you can talk to the authorities of the Italian State in your local language. Do they not understand you? But you are in your homeland! Remember that any occasion is a good chance to re-assert your language: political and cultural posters, press releases, public speeches.

In this context a frequent use of local languages occurs in the con- text of re-discovering traditional songs, poems and sayings. In so doing, it connects the move- ment and its activists to what is perceived as a glorious and interesting historical background: that of the Celts. One example is the discussion of language issues which occur in the context of historical analyses in a review of a book on Longobards see Molteni 4. A similar concern occurs in relections on language policy — at- tempts to emphasise and positively review courses of local dialect which are prominently deined as languages.

An animated discussion ensued which clariied a few issues: irst, Milanese was spoken before standard Italian. It is a language because it has a proper gram- matical structure, a very rich vocabulary, much richer than Italian — one just has to consider the six volumes of Cherubini and that the literary, historical, poetic and theatrical texts in the Milanese language, starting with Bonvesin de la Riva of the XIII century, could ill Milan cathedral. It should not be killed by the nearly always neglectful lack of attention, and by conformist mono-lingualism. It represents the moral values of Milan, those values that distinguish it from other cities.

If movements based on truly distinctive and historical languages such as the Sardinian movement meet with Lega activists, a sort of legitimacy by contact can ensue. Emphasis on belonging to linguistically distinctive areas also gives the Lega a chance to motivate grassroots activism: Noi non siamo per la soppressione delle graie codii- cate, ma riteniamo opportuno che venga loro aian- cata una graia unitaria, per permettere a tutti i padani la vera pronuncia della lingua del posto, senza doversi sempre portare al seguito un prontuarietto contenente tutte le diferenze e varianti locali.

Una tutela sedi- cente, appunto. Non certo per il contenuto, quasi in linea con la Carta europea per le lingue Regionali o minoritarie. Polli 4 8 Conclusion Our examination of La Padania has identiied and classiied a total of 44 articles which treated language issues.

Whilst it is generally possible to identify a main theme, some emphasis on other themes also tends to occur at the same time. It is therefore more use- ful to examine the focus on linguistic elements as an interconnected coniguration rather than concentrating on the relative importance of the diferent categories. Language and the related claims to its no- bility have been used as a vehicle to legitimate local cultural and social elites against distant elites.

Language has also been used to emphasise a generalised rejection of the elites who have learned the language of the centre the convoluted politichese — the Byzantine style of Roman poli- ticians and who mediate between centre and periphery. Populist poli- tics is connected to this type of language use. By claiming the status of linguistically victimised constituencies, which the majority oppresses also in other social and economic terms, the Lega ensures a feeling of common belonging.

It should be noted that a distinctive feature of the movement has always been its attempt to speak to diferent audiences using diferent concepts and even diferent rhetorical styles — for instance appearing more secessionist to its activists and more moderate and collaborative to its coalition allies Ruzza and Schmidtke Language use is part of this strategy of diferential appeal to a set of separate audiences. Regionalismus eine Ertindung? Regionalismus eine Pleite?


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    Rognoni, Andrea , La Padania, 25 May. Glynis M. Jens Rydgren, Hauppauge, Nova Science, Serrajotto, Ermanno , La Padania, 2 January. Verna, Antonio , La Padania, 27 May. Non a caso Isaev, famoso etnolinguista di tendenze puristiche, non lo include afatto nel suo recente Dizionario dei concetti e termini etnolinguistici Perotto , Da qui in poi nel testo le traduzioni dal russo sono mie, salvo diversa indicazione. Esaminando oggi i termini della questione nazionale nella politica di Putin, pare che il presidente russo sia riuscito a tagliare di netto il famoso nodo gordiano delle dispute fra slavoili e occidentalisti.

    Ma veniamo ad una disamina della questione dal punto di vista terminologico. Sul dibattito parlamentare in Russia si veda- no Lysenkov e il sito del Parlamento russo Parlamento russo online. Testo Censimento online. Si vedano in proposito Tishkov e Stepanov Questa prospettiva muta radi- calmente dalla ine degli anni ottanta. Cresce il divario culturale fra il livello di istruzione e dei servizi garantiti in Russia e nelle repubbli- che. Kuzio La seconda, invece, rappresenta il caso dei russi in Asia Centrale. Infatti agli intervistati viene chiesto solamente se conoscono la lingua russa e quali altre lingue conoscono senza speciicarne il livello.

    Monica Perotto il cirillico come manifestazione dei loro orientamenti ilorussi e anti- georgiani Kobaidze Biagi, Adriano , Sociologia dei processi nazionalitari, Verona, Fiorini. Case Studies and Analysis, ed. Leokadia Drobizheva et al. Garipov, Jakov Z. Guboglo, Michail N.

    Michail N. Lan- guage and Identity in Contemporary Europe, ed. Isaev, Magomet I. La Nuova Costituzione Russa , trad. Bordato, Rovereto, Osi- ride. Lewis, E. Melvin, Neil , Russian Beyond Russia. Musina, Rozalinda N. Stepanov, Valery V. Da entrambe le angolazioni, la presenza di toni umor- istici per mettere in scena se stessi e i propri valori consente di esorciz- zare paure e conlitti.

    Nasce nel in Marocco ma la sua famiglia si trasferisce in Francia nel Fin da ragazzo manifesta il suo talento innato di comico e alla scuola media si iscrive al laboratorio di improvvisazione teatrale. Si tratta della vera e propria creazione di un personaggio, convenzionalmente e momentaneamente fatto coin- cidere con la voce narrante.


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    Ma anche come colui che disperatamente cerca di percepire se stesso nel mare del non-io, dal quale dipende ma del quale vorrebbe potersi liberare. Questa dicotomia metodologica implica il concetto di lusso, come mutamento continuo, oscuro e magnetico, e insieme quello di connessione come presenza costante di elementi alternativi.

    Nello show si contrappongono quattro diversi tipi di francese, tutti fortemente connotati. Non solo. Tu veux du manger? Barthes, Roland , Essais critiques, Paris, Seuil. Todorov, Tzvetan , Nous et les autres. Verlant G. In Britain the growing presence over the last few years of second generation Asians in radio and television programmes has had a clear inluence on English, testiied by the number of Hindi words which have entered the Oxford English Dictionary.

    Giovanna Buonanno television. By the next series, it had been moved forward to 9. Since its early days, however, the show has attracted diferent opin- ions. It was always trendy to be black, but never Asian. We used to be all tank-tops, side partings, too many kids and maybe a bit of mysticism. In general they draw on various inluences and strategies like Jewish-American humour, Bol- lywood musical ilms and British cinema.

    Out of the themes, cultural stereotypes and strategies that Goodness Gracious Me deploys, the present analysis focuses on one sketch that ofers both an efective theme and a viable strategy for situating Brit- ish-Asians in the sketch show genre and mapping out their hyphen- ated identity on mainstream television. He is obsessed with preserving his Indian culture and constantly claims its superiority over Western cul- ture and brings this obsession to extremes, to the extent that whatever the topic of conversation, it becomes an opportunity to claim that every cultural expression of the West originally comes from India.

    Visually he comes across as the colonised subject or, perhaps the rather well educated Indian of the diaspora who tries to redress the balance between margins and centre striking back with a vengeance at the centre. As the two characters are sitting on rocking chairs on their veran- dah, they have the following conversation: Son: his is life, dad.

    Where did the Queen get the word verandah? F: And shampoo, an Indian word, and bungalow, and jungle… S: Ok, ok. F: Not just shampoo. Do you think all we had in India was partition? F: What? F: Also Indian. He is also, though, ofering a counterpoint to his father with his genu- ine, regionally connotated, English accent, his being at ease with his Hinglishness. To conclude, Goodness Gracious Me has certainly contributed to establishing Hinglishness in contemporary British television. Anderson In any case, this pull towards the centre would seem to be premised on a simultaneous push of unassimilable elements towards the periphery.

    In this sense, it may be interesting to look at the question of who gets left out of this celebrative story of coming together, to focus, in other words, on those who remain so obstinately heterogeneous that they are unable to be assimilated into this story of the coming into being of a historical subject. With regard to the formation of British identity and the British state, one area in which to look for the fate and experience of the excluded would, clearly, be Ireland. Exclusion points towards movement away from the centre, to- wards migration.

    In the same way, perhaps, the processes of construction of national identity may have created their own historical waste, outcasts left to caper on the margins of new nations. Green Book. L'esorcismo di Hannah Grace. La favorita. Creed II. Il primo re. Vice - L'Uomo Nell'Ombra. Nelle Tue Mani. Il ritorno di Mary Poppins. Befana Vien Di Notte La. Cold War. Amici Come Prima. Testimone Invisibile Il. Albero Del Vicino L'. Bella E Le Bestie La. Gioco Delle Coppie Il.

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