Jeanne Mance. Contribution de Marc Comby. Fernand Daoust. Gingras, Yves. Relation de Beaudoin, Raymonde. Desloges, Yvan. Guyot, Julie. Le refus de la domination coloniale au Bas-Canada et en Irlande. Pinson, Guillaume. Turcotte, Louis-Philippe. Kerouac, Jack. Lanthier, Pierre et Jocelyne Morneau.
Mongrain, Guy et Julie St-Onge. Hameaux et lieux-dits maskoutains. Lucien Bouchard. Le pragmatisme politique. Calderisi, Robert. Mission sur terre. La politique du rire. Tixier, Nicolas dir. Villes et films en regard. Syndicats financiers et finances gouvernementales, Le Groupe de Beaver Hall. Histoires, produits et recettes de notre patrimoine culinaire. Jacob, Roland. Votre nom et son histoire. Coffret tome 1 et tome 2. Marcoux, Claudine. Esclave et bourreau. Blais, Christian. Charlebois, Paul-Yvon et Sylvain Daignault.
Daschuk, James. La destruction des Indiens des Plaines. Denis, Michel R. Fortin, Daniel. Lahoud, Pierre et Serge Viau. Paquette, Marcel. Proulx, Gilles. Couture-Baumgartner, Madeleine. Cadrin, Gaston. Charland, Jean-Pierre. Une histoire du Canada contemporain. Bertrand, Luc. Trois histoires de bravoure. Regards sur une crise scolaire et nationale. Bourdeau, Laurent et Pascale Marcotte dir.
Les routes touristiques. La chute de la Nouvelle-France. Lapointe, Pierre Louis. Levasseur, Adrien. Samuel, Judith. Le City of Ottawa. Robert W. Sicotte, Anne-Marie. Les tuques bleues. Bernatchez, Anne et al. Les voitures hippomobiles de la collection Paul-Bienvenu. Lahoud, Pierre et Frances Caissie.
Martineau, Jacques. Tremblay, Rosaire. Charlevoix une roue qui tourne. Auget, Daniel. Une rage de vivre sur fond de guerre. Georges Auget Pouliot, Barbara. John Pouliot, naviguer sur les eaux du monde. Quintal, Michelle. Warren, Jean-Philippe. Cloos, Patrick. Doyon, Sabrina et Catherine Sabinot dir. Durand, Caroline. Nourrir la machine humaine. Mateoniu, Maria.
Smith, Graeme. Et les chiens bouffent les cadavres. Notre guerre en Afghanistan. Anctil, Pierre et Simon Jacobs dir. Les Cahiers des dix. Courteaux, Olivier. Le Canada entre Vichy et la France libre, La refondation par les armes des institutions politiques canadiennes. Dziembowski, Edmond. La guerre de Sept Ans, Fournier, Marcel.
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La Rochelle et le Canada. Gossange, Peter et J. N o , avril Laperle, Dominique.
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Laporte, Gilles. Volume 62, n o hiver-printemps , , p. Essais et chroniques. Olivieri-Godet, Rita. Desbiens, Caroline. Puissance Nord. Lacroix, Michel. St-Amand, Isabelle. Bouchard, Jean. Du bolo au G. La terre qui pousse. Turcot, Laurent et Thierry Nootens. Tome I. Curieuses histoires de plantes du Canada.
Gilbert, Dale. Vivre en quartier populaire. Saint-Sauveur Girard, Camil et Carl Brisson. Nistassinan — Notre Terre. Hier encore. Territoire et peuplement. Sawaya, Jean-Pierre. Des braves et des guerriers. Les soldats du pape. Boucher, Pierre. Simon, Jean. Dessins de Marc Boutin. Le Temps de Charlevoix. Essai historique. Des souvenirs plein la valise. La Grande Guerre de Paul Caron. Histoire de gourmands. Culture culinaire. Gagnon, Monika Kin et Janine Marchessault. Reimagining Cinema. Films at Expo Landry, Madeleine.
Robitaille, Marie-Paule dir. Simoneau, Daniel. Saisons et Aubin, Georges et Yvan Lamonde. Gustave Papineau. Dumas, Alexandre.
Le peuple de France a repris son destin en main
Saint-Pierre, Annette. Jean Riel fils de Louis Riel. Delisle, Jean et Judith Woodsworth dir. Girard, Marie-Pierre. De petits vautours sans plumes. Guirguis, Laure. Landry, Tristan dir. Mandel, Ruth. Rivard, Yvon et Sarah Rocheville dir. Figures de compassion. Saillant, Francine. Thibault, Mireille.
Vanthuyne, Karine. Boyko, John. Voisins et ennemis. Joyal, Serge. Lapointe, Mathieu. Lapointe, Gilles textes et Vincent Partel dessins. Tome 1. Lauzon, Gilles. Magee Labelle, Kathryn. Le pari de la dispersion. Porter, Margaret. Dans Charlevoix tout se berce. Les 50 ans de CJBC. Landry, Pierre. Sous les canons de Wolfe escouade Quartiers disparus. Kamouraska dans le murmure du vent. Limoilou un quartier effervescent. Tremblay, Normand. Anctil, Pierre.
Warkentin, Germaine. Pierre-Esprit Radisson. The Collected Writings volume 2. Dupont, Jean-Claude. Des histoires de lutins. Marcil, Eileen Reid. Fournier, Marcel et Michel Langlois. Gagnon, Louis. Louis XV et de Canada Landry, Nicolas et Nicole Lang. Pelletier, Tommy Simon. La feuille. Wolf, Marc-Alain. Histoires de famille, histoires de guerre.
Chroniques politiques. Tome 1 — Terrien, Paul. Notre voix. Dufour, Donald et Lyne Richer. Le fleuve dans la peau. Guillot, Daniel B. Lahoud, Pierre. Landry, Steeve.
Rousseau, Carmen dir. Amos ville centenaire Filteau, Jean-Claude et Daniel Abel. Labrecque, Paul. Parcours photographique. Tome 2. Lebel, Jean-Marie. Myre, Marcel. Catherine Guichelin, une fille du roi pas comme les autres… Nouvelle-France, Que sommes-nous? Clark, Patrick D. Clio en Acadie. Scot, Carrie. After a number of failed manoeuvres to escape, the German sailors ultimately scuttled their own ship using pre-set charges of explosives.
When Eoin MacNeill, the head of the Irish Volunteers, learned that Casement had been captured and the German arms were lost, he issued an order countermanding the Rising, which had been planned for Easter Sunday. Ultimately, the Rising would break out the following day, Easter Monday, Meanwhile, a German zeppelin raid took place on Essex and Kent.
The purpose of these German military actions was to try to divert British attention away from Ireland in order to give the rebellion a chance to take hold. The rebellion lasted only six days. It involved not much more than 1, rebels and its leaders knew they had little chance of winning against a far superior number of British troops. He was released as part of a prisoner exchange towards the end of World War One. He subsequently wrote a best-selling book about his Irish adventure. In , to mark the 15th anniversary of the Easter Rising, Spindler undertook a lecture tour of the United States.
Spindler died in Bismark, North Dakota, in In , as part of the official state commemoration to mark the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising, surviving members of the crew of the Aud and the U19, including Captain Raimund Weisbach, Walter Augustin, Otto Walter, Hans Dunker and Ferderic Schmidt, visited Ireland as distinguished guests of the Irish Government.
The retired German sailors travelled to Kerry to witness the laying of the foundation stone of the Casement Memorial at Banna Strand. In , little mention has been made of the role that German naval officers played in the Easter Rising, but their bravery deserves to be remembered. Historical reality of leaders Martin Mansergh. The reality is that the leaders of were neither neutral nor anti-imperialist. They were anti-British imperialism. Undoubtedly, German support for Irish revolution turned out to be a mirage, apart from the guns landed at Howth and Kilcoole in the summer of , which were a fraction of those landed at Larne for the unionists, but it was enough to facilitate the rising.
Certainly, one can be sceptical about the notion that the First World War was started for the sake of small nations, such as Serbia and Belgium, but the fate of Catholic Belgium was the issue that had greatest impact on recruitment in Ireland in the early months of the war. In terms of war outcomes, four defeated empires collapsed, others were weakened, and about a third of the countries that now make up the European Union directly or indirectly gained their freedom, including Ireland.
France, which would have lost the war but for the British Expeditionary Force which included thousands of Irishmen, regained Alsace-Lorraine, taken from them in The principle of national self-determination enunciated in by President Woodrow Wilson, however imperfect and difficult to apply, has led in the longer run to close to members of the United Nations. Most people, and all main political parties, now accept that it is right to commemorate Irishmen who gave their lives in World War I, but perhaps we could accept that their sacrifice also contributed to the freedom we enjoy today, acknowledging that people can serve their country honourably in different ways.
Our Gallant Allies? Pat Walsh. It was a quite deliberate decision, presumably in order to prevent the volunteering of Irish cannon-fodder, procured through the British propaganda used by the Redmondite recruiting sergeants. During and Lord Bryce, the Belfast born Liberal, made highly-reported speeches in Parliament and helped document and publicise official reports about German and Ottoman atrocities.
Casement condemned Bryce for selling himself as a hireling propagandist. Casement continued with a point that is very relevant to any estimation of the validity of the Blue Book:. But unlike Lord Bryce, I investigated them on the spot, from the lips of those who had suffered, in the very places where the very crimes were perpetuated, where the evidence could be sifted and the accusation brought by the victim could be rebutted by the accused; and in each case my finding was confirmed by the Courts of Justice of the very States whose citizens I had indicted.
Sir Roger was incapable of commenting directly on the Blue Book since he had been hanged by the British in as a traitor, for doing in Ireland what Bryce and other British Liberals had supported the Armenian revolutionaries in doing within the Ottoman Empire. Casement had followed through on the principles of small nations on which the war was supposedly being fought by Britain and advertised by Lord Bryce. But Casement was found to be a traitor whilst the Armenians and others who went into insurrection were lauded as patriots in Liberal England. The present writer made it his business to read a lot of Irish newspapers produced between and in order to understand the development of Redmondism and the Republican counter-attack against it.
What was found was much anti-Turkish propaganda produced by Redmondism and much pro-Turkish sentiment generated in opposition by Irish Republicans. In the Redmondite hold-out of West Belfast there was continued credence given to British war-propaganda about the massacres of Armenians and Greeks.
The Irish News and other Devlinite publications continued to keep the Imperial faith to get Irishmen into British uniform as the rest of Ireland sloughed it off and broke free of the British sphere of influence. It was immediately attacked by Sinn Fein. The context of the Sinn Fein counter-attack reproduced below on behalf of the Turks was the Greek evacuation of Anatolia after the defeat of their invading army, which had been encouraged by Lloyd George to enforce the Treaty of Sevres on the Turks. Smyrna was burnt and many died. The reply to the British allegations comes from O.
He was re-elected at the and elections. In the statement he dismisses allegations that the Turks had massacred Greeks and Armenians as British propaganda and puts the Irish Republican forces and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk forces together as brothers in arms, fighting British Imperialism:. I notice to-day that the Armenian Archbishop, who was massacred last week, has turned up safely in Greece.
It is more than probable that at least three zeros have been added inadvertently to the correct number of the victims… The new Turkish army and the Turkish National leaders are clean fighters, and the same type of men as those who have carried through the evolution in this country. The political and military assault launched by Britain on neutral Greece and the devastating effect this ultimately had on the Greek people across the Balkans and Asia Minor is almost completely forgotten about these days.
The Greek King Constantine and his government tried to remain neutral in the World War but Britain was determined to enlist as many neutrals as possible in their Great War. The Greek King, however, under the constitution had the final say on matters of war and he attempted to defend his neutrality policy against the British.
Constantine was then deposed by the actions of the British Army at Salonika, through a starvation blockade by the Royal Navy and a seizure of the harvest by Allied troops. This was because Lloyd George had demobilised his army before he could impose the punitive Treaty of Sevres on the Turks. Britain was also highly in debt to the U. The Greeks were presented with the town of Smyrna first and then, encouraged by Lloyd George, advanced across Anatolia toward where the Turkish democracy had re-established itself, at Ankara, after it had been suppressed in Constantinople.
Ataturk had seen that Constantinople was open to the guns of the Royal Navy, as Athens was and he established a new capital inland in a small town. But the Greek Army perished on the burning sands of Anatolia after being skillfully maneuvered into a position by Ataturk in which their lines were stretched. And the two or three thousand year old Greek population of Asia Minor fled on boats from Smyrna, with the remnants of their Army after Britain had withdrawn its support, because the Greek democracy had reasserted its will to have back its King.
Timothy Corcoran, drew attention to the many parallels between the experience of Ireland and Turkey between and Turkey had agreed to an armistice ceasefire at Mudros in October But that armistice was turned into a surrender when British and French Imperial forces entered Constantinople and occupied it soon after. Then a punitive treaty The Treaty of Sevres, August was imposed on the Turks at the point of a gun, sharing out the Ottoman possessions amongst the Entente Powers.
Along with that, Turkey itself was partitioned into spheres of influence, with the Greek Army being used to enforce the settlement in Anatolia, in exchange for its irredentist claims in Asia Minor. The Turks, under the skillful leadership of Mustapha Kemal Ataturk , decided not to lie down and resisted the imposed Treaty of Sevres. The Greek catspaw was pushed out of Turkey and their Imperialist sponsors forced back to the conference table at Lausanne, after the British humiliation at Chanak.
Terms much more advantageous to the Turks were signed by Sir Horace Rumbold six months later, and the Turkish Republic came into being — a free and independent state. They had no care for the destruction of the centuries old Christian communities that their War on the Ottoman Empire had produced. They saw that Turkey had emerged under a strong leader and they were prepared to do business, as England always was. It was particularly impressed with the Turkish negotiating skill at Lausanne and contrasted it to the Irish failure in negotiating with the British in the Anglo-Irish treaty of that had left the country part of the British Empire.
But new Sinn Fein seems to have departed the traditional Republican position. That really must be a first for Sinn Fein — not blaming Britain! It is merely an emotional assertion. No International Court has ever found for such a thing and historians are extremely divided over the issue. But when has this assertion ever been quantified? And if such an exercise is ever completed how meaningless it will be.
It is an attempt to muster legislators together to pronounce on a historical and legal issue when they have no competence to do so. What manipulation of history, one might ask? Sinn Fein in knew that the Turks were no dupes of Imperialism. The Turks know the danger of pleading guilty to such a charge with regard to their self-respect and standing in the world. They are battle-hardened, having engaged in a monumental fight for survival between and that not only created their nation, but also ensured its very existence.
They were invaded by all the Imperialist powers, with only the Bolsheviks as allies, and with Greek and Armenian armies massacring within their territory. The present writer will always recognise the achievement of that transformation, having lived through it. And it was saturated with British War propaganda. Hassan of St. Sinn Fein participation in Great War Remembrance can be justified as part of the necessary reconciliation of the Unionist community that the Peace strategy involves.
The new Sinn Fein has been a product, to a very great extent, of the unusual events of half a century ago in the Six Counties. That, and the subsequent war and its transition to a peace settlement against substantial and multi-layered opposition, has given it a tremendous ability within the confines of the political situation it operates. It achieved out of brilliant improvisation, drawing from its experience of life in the Six Counties as its stock of knowledge. And in such a situation too much thinking about its past may have actually proved detrimental to the carving out of a different future.
Sinn Fein has now made itself a competitor for state power in the 26 Counties. That brings upon it different responsibilities. If it attains that power will it be able to exercise it with reference to the traditional Republican position? Will it be able to exercise the responsibility that this entails, which goes far beyond sloganeering and politicking? That would be logical. But it would be very problematic for next years centenary commemoration. A century ago, Irish rebels set out on the long road to independence with a fumbled armed insurrection against the occupying British.
It took a poet to explain it all. The Easter Rising, the armed insurrection that hindsight tells us was the opening act in the successful Irish fight for independence from Great Britain, was by almost any measure a catastrophe. It did not, at the time, look like the beginning of anything. The conspirators who planned it did not plan well, nor did what plans they laid turn out the way they hoped. Hundreds of people died needlessly.
Historians and partisans still argue over the efficacy of the revolt and its execution. When the six-day revolt was over, smothered by fierce British retaliation that left more than people dead—most of them civilians—as well as thousands wounded and the city of Dublin shelled and burned, every aspect of the revolt bore the stench of failure. A lot of that failure was the fault of the conspirators. They failed to capture key positions in the city of Dublin, including city hall and the docks and railway stations.
So when the British sent troops to quell the revolt, they had little trouble entering Dublin, where most of the fighting took place. For that matter, confusion was general all over Ireland. Worse, the conspirators failed to warn their countrymen about what was happening, so that once the fighting started, some of the fiercest opposition came from the Irish themselves, and not only from the six, largely Protestant counties in the North that would eventually make up what is now Northern Ireland.
Many Dubliners, for instance, were confused and baffled by the revolt in their streets, and either actively opposed the insurrectionists or simply refused to help them. Things might have turned out very differently in the long run had the British settled for merely restoring peace and exploiting that lack of consensus on the part of the Irish. Instead, they savagely put down the revolt and then sent some 90 conspirators to face the firing squad in a matter of days.
The reprisals, coupled with the hard line the British took going forward, fueled the opposition and, more important, solidified it. Factions coalesced behind Sinn Fein, the militant group that would spearhead the fight for independence, and the table was set for the civil war that eight years later resulted in the Irish Free State and ultimately in the republic of Ireland in The Irish lost in the Easter rebellion, but the English lost Ireland.
Yeats was 50 years old at the time, a prominent poet still known mostly as one of the leaders of the Irish renaissance, a movement that extolled the native traditions and folklore of the country. Like his collaborators, the playwright John Millington Synge and Lady Augusta Gregory, Yeats was a cultural revolutionary, but he was not particularly political and disparaged violence as a means of creating an Irish republic.
But at the time of the Easter rebellion, he was in the process of changing as a poet, influenced both by literary modernism and the events in his own country. Going forward, he was guided as much by what he saw in the street outside his door as he was by the past, and what he wrote from then on would secure his reputation as arguably the finest poet of the 20th century. The amazing thing about this transformation is that it did not make the poet more didactic. Yeats was never a preacher. Rather, it made him more subtle, more open to ambiguity. He might be oblique, but he was never opaque.
Something has happened, something both terrible and beautiful, and there is no going back. Even a man he despised he now sees in a different light, less than a hero perhaps but more than a cad. But on one point he does not dither: The men and women he writes about changed history, and in turn they too were changed, as Yeats was, by what happened in that bloody week a century ago. The easy explanation for all this is to say that the Easter Rising politicized Yeats, and to the extent that it drew him into more complete engagement with his time and his country, that is true.
But to stop there does a disservice to the confusion and mystery he has witnessed and set down with such clarity in his poem. Events, especially cataclysmic events, he tells us, are not easily parsed, and we do them and ourselves an injustice to pretend otherwise. All we can do, the poem reminds us, is to confront conflicting realities and reconcile them as best we can.
Rage at I. LONDON, March 25— As a second boy died today from wounds from a bombing in Warrington on Saturday, there were signs of a growing public backlash against the Irish Republican Army, which seems to attack more and more ordinary civilians. For some time now bombs or bomb scares have become a feature of life in England, and people appear to accept them with resigned fatalism.
But widespread anger and revulsion have been touched off by the two bombs that went off in metal trash baskets in a crowded shopping area Saturday afternoon in Warrington, a town on the Mersey River 16 miles east of Liverpool.
Le peuple de France a repris son destin en main - Liberté d'expression
Another boy, Tim Parry, a year-old with a mischievous grin, ran from the first explosion straight into the second. For days, as he lingered between life and death, the country followed the reports on his failing condition. Finally, after a brain scan showed little activity, the life-support system was disconnected, and he died at A. Feeling of Loss. Then, when he was asked if he felt anger toward the I. He was a fine lad. He had his moments; he could be a cheeky impudent little pup. But he was a great kid.
The I. At the same time, four Catholic workmen were killed today in Northern Ireland in an ambush by Protestant paramilitaries in the northern coast town of Castlerock and another Protestant was killed in Belfast. So far this year, outlawed gangs of loyalist assassins have killed 23 people in Northern Ireland, 17 of them civilians. The gangs warned at the beginning of the year that they would step up their attacks. Touching a Nerve. The Warrington bombing touched a particular nerve because the victims were so young and also because it seemed to have been carried out in a way almost calculated to cause harm to ordinary people.
In recent years, I. In a relatively new tactic, the terrorists often plant two bombs at once, so people running from one are sometimes struck by the other. Casualties have also been increased lately because the warnings telephoned in by the I. This is denied by the I. In the Warrington case, the authorities said the warning was telephoned in to an emergency help line, saying only that a bomb had been placed outside a Boots pharmacy. The police searched a Boots pharmacy in Liverpool, but the bomb went off near a Boots pharmacy in Warrington, 16 miles away. In a statement acknowledging the act, the I.
Thousands waited in line to sign a condolence book outside the Post Office, where the Irish rebellion against British power began in At St. Qui ne sait le prix auquel de tels abandons se paient? Jules de Lasteyrie, en et , M. Mais, plus bas, il y a les autres. John Redmond se dresse le Sin-Fein. Il en existe plusieurs variantes. La droiture de M. Son attitude va donner la mesure de son usure. Les nationalistes prirent fait et cause pour les Boers. Il avait tort. Mais, il y avait pire. Maintenant, il y avait une guerre en cours en Afrique du Sud. Quelles furent les raisons de ce changement en relations internationales?
Il y a des indices. Herwig eds. Un leader du monde libre aux accents messianiques mutiplie les danses avec les dictateurs …. Comme, en ce vendredi saint et entre un pas de tango et une absolution du communisme , les gestes de repentance …. William A. Galston WSJ March 15, Rubio does not intend that as a compliment. The real issue is how we and future historians will judge Mr. In a striking phrase, Mr. Goldberg says, Mr. The question is whether Hobbesian optimism is a remarkable synthesis of apparent opposites or an elegant oxymoron.
At most you can hope that our species gradually becomes wiser about institutional arrangements that constrain the evils of which we are capable. History has been cruel to many such hopes. More recently, the European Union was supposed to create inexorable momentum toward ever greater prosperity and solidarity throughout a continent dedicated to democracy and human rights.
Obama deplores is an atavism or a harbinger. Obama has consistently ignored the ways in which the military balance on the ground shapes what is diplomatically possible. Progressives typically think of themselves as rationalists, and Mr. Obama is no exception. He prides himself on his ability to maintain a stance of cool, impartial reflection even when others are succumbing to emotion and prejudice.
According to Mr. In the one moment of presidential self-criticism Mr. Goldberg reveals in his lengthy Atlantic article, Mr. I was surprised perhaps I should not have been by Mr. Obama seems to believe that because he was right about Iraq while most of the establishment was wrong, it follows that he will be right in every other instance of disagreement. But not all conventional wisdom is false, just because it is widely held.
Credibility is important, for example. Saying one thing and then doing another has consequences.
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If Mr. And when he announced that there would be no attack without prior congressional authorization, his senior aides—including his national security adviser and his secretary of state—were shocked, as were the leaders of our closest allies throughout the world. These events exemplify a sentiment that pervades Mr. This is a fundamental misunderstanding of the office he occupies. Our greatest presidents have understood that a sustainable foreign policy requires persuasion directed to political and intellectual elites and, most important, to the American people.
In an era characterized by deep distrust of government, Mr. Galston is a smart, moderate liberal. Unlike Vladimir Putin, Mr. For Obama, in the struggle between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, Israel is a Westernized colonial construct and a proponent of Western neo-liberal capitalism. The PA and Hamas, in contrast, are seen both as the downtrodden in need of community-organizing help and as authentic peoples whose miseries are not self-induced and the wages of tribalism, statism, autocracy, fundamentalism, misogyny, and anti-Semitism, but rather the results of Israeli occupation, colonialism, and imperialism.
Obama may not articulate this publicly, but these are the assumptions that explain his periodic blasts against Netanyahu and his silence about the autocratic Palestinian Authority and the murderous Hamas. In such a landscape, the current Iranian talks make perfect sense. He snubbed them as if they were neoconservative democracy zealots.
In his eyes, their false consciousness did not allow them to fully appreciate their own suffering at the hands of past American imperialists. Senate — could empathize and negotiate. But that is to misunderstand the Obama worldview. He is less worried about a nuclear Iran and what it will do to a mostly pro-Western Gulf or Israel, or to other traditional U. In some sense, Obama views the rest of the world in the same way as he views America: a rigged order in which the oppressed who speak truth to power are systematically mischaracterized and alienated — and in need of an empathetic voice on the side of overdue revolutionary accounting.
Cuba will still stir up revolution in Latin America and ally itself with anti-American regimes. Iran will still subsidize Hezbollah and Hamas — and, soon, in the fashion of a nuclear power. And one-election, one-time Islamic movements will still attempt to set up theocracies the moment they snatch power. And at no point does Obama ever empathize with thousands of dissidents rotting in Cuban and Palestinian jails, or homosexuals and feminists persecuted in Iran or journalists in Turkey.
Nos amis autocrates. The biggest problem with U. The Barack Obama show is in town again. The long interview is full of great nuggets and quotes and has been the talk of DC.
One cannot help but read it and feel that the biggest problem with U. Although I disagree with him on many, many issues of policy, he has always seemed like a smart, likeable, well-intentioned guy, which is already saying a lot for a politician. But it really is the case that the character of presidents shape their policy. Did the United States embolden Iran by negotiating the nuclear deal or by failing to sign a new status of forces agreement with Iraq? Surely you jest! Why was the West wrong-footed in Ukraine? Well, Ukraine is always going to be vulnerable to Russia anyway.
Because Netanyahu is too scared to reach out to the Palestinians. Forget the fact that Fatah has rejected every serious peace overture by the Israelis, and that Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, is quite intent on genocide against Jews. None of these viewpoints are indefensible on their own merits, and all of them have at least a grain of truth in them except for the last one.
But together, they paint quite the picture — of someone disconnected from reality and sure of his own perfection. And politicians will never admit to a mistake unless they have a metaphorical gun to their head. Obama came to national prominence vowing to heal our partisan divide. His rationale is worth quoting in full:. And so for me to press the pause button at that moment, I knew, would cost me politically. Nevermind the merits of the action. Why is Obama proud of his decision?
Because it had the best outcome? No, because of the way he thought through the decision. Obama thinks his decision was good because of the way he reached it. The most salient aspect of the decision is not how it affected millions of Syrians, or the international norm against the use of weapons of mass destruction in warfare and the credibility of the United States as the lone superpower and guarantor of international norms writ large , with incalculable potential ripple effects, it is how the whole thing played out in the theater that is the mind of Barack Obama.
But we can at least be certain of one thing: For as long as he lives, Barack Obama will feel good about it. Reuters has more:. Syrian Kurdish groups and their allies have already carved out three autonomous zones, or cantons, known as Jazeera, Kobani and Afrin. Their capture of the town of Tel Abyad from Islamic State last year created territorial contiguity between the Jazeera and Kobani areas. Afrin is separated from the other two cantons by roughly km of territory, much of it still held by Islamic State.
But how pluralistic and how democratic an autonomous Syrian Kurdistan is will have a lot to do with who shepherds it into being. The Kremlin reportedly welcomed the recent news. The U. Turkey, whose conflict with the Kurdish PKK has escalated in recent months, said such moves were not acceptable. The PYD has been left out of the Geneva peace talks, in line with the wishes of Turkey, which sees it as an extension of the PKK group that is waging an insurgency in southeastern Turkey. This Turkish hostility could take many forms; few of them are likely to be conducive to regional harmony.
Iraq and Iran also have Kurdish minorities and will have an interest in the precedent set by the newest attempt at a Kurdish semi-state. This thing is far from over, and lasting peace is anything but assured. Et les Turcs risquent de payer la facture plein pot. The Obama Doctrine. Obama on …. Obama, in whose Cabinet Kerry serves faithfully, but with some exasperation, is himself given to vaulting oratory, but not usually of the martial sort associated with Churchill.
The president believes that Churchillian rhetoric and, more to the point, Churchillian habits of thought, helped bring his predecessor, George W. Bush, to ruinous war in Iraq. Obama entered the White House bent on getting out of Iraq and Afghanistan; he was not seeking new dragons to slay. And he was particularly mindful of promising victory in conflicts he believed to be unwinnable. Kerry, like Obama himself, was horrified by the sins committed by the Syrian regime in its attempt to put down a two-year-old rebellion.
The strong sentiment inside the Obama administration was that Assad had earned dire punishment. In Situation Room meetings that followed the attack on Ghouta, only the White House chief of staff, Denis McDonough, cautioned explicitly about the perils of intervention. John Kerry argued vociferously for action. Kerry counted President Obama among those leaders. That would change my calculus. That would change my equation. Despite this threat, Obama seemed to many critics to be coldly detached from the suffering of innocent Syrians.
He resisted demands to act in part because he assumed, based on the analysis of U. The current U. Power, who during this period served on the National Security Council staff, is the author of a celebrated book excoriating a succession of U. Senate, though the two were not an obvious ideological match. She lobbied him to endorse this doctrine in the speech he delivered when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in , but he declined. Obama generally does not believe a president should place American soldiers at great risk in order to prevent humanitarian disasters, unless those disasters pose a direct security threat to the United States.
Power sometimes argued with Obama in front of other National Security Council officials, to the point where he could no longer conceal his frustration. Obama in the Oval Office, where, two and a half years ago, he shocked national-security aides by calling off air strikes on Syria Ruven Afanador. Obama, unlike liberal interventionists, is an admirer of the foreign-policy realism of President George H. As Obama was writing his campaign manifesto, The Audacity of Hope, in , Susan Rice, then an informal adviser, felt it necessary to remind him to include at least one line of praise for the foreign policy of President Bill Clinton, to partially balance the praise he showered on Bush and Scowcroft.
Related Story. Obama flipped this plea on its head. Who is pro—stupid shit? Syria, for Obama, represented a slope potentially as slippery as Iraq. In his first term, he came to believe that only a handful of threats in the Middle East conceivably warranted direct U. Dissimilarities will be alright to get. From some time I moved on the day I personally left this wonderful island, I could see lots of beaming looks; the particular smiles of pleasure were being with the shuttle bus drivers, a favorable shop-assistants from your shopping as well as a good reputation from your regular passers-by with Oahu.
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When it comes to this specific task Let me constitute my very own definition either way these terms and conditions. Criticism with the U. It had become my personal host sister, Kruti! For 1, the item appeared to think balance appeared to be your go delinquent state of inter-ethnic contact. The following a person stand, excellent folk, consider I, as i view them on Ellis Island, in this article anyone stand it your own fifty organizations, your current 50 dialects, in addition to backgrounds, and your 60 bloodstream hatreds along with rivalries.
This reached a new ejaculation by using my personal pen-pal associations with people across the globe, one particular currently being Serbia. This tendency to greater acceptance involving ethnical and racial unprivileged was visible within common tradition within the eliminate flicks regarding The second world war, applying Bataan It turned out my own coordinator sibling, Kruti!
I became consequently content to eventually satisfy her. The nation can be house to the biggest Japanese people diaspora outside the house South east asia, the biggest Arab community away from Arab World then one from the top Judaism numbers. Since Wwii, the thinking behind the shedding marijuana happens to be a lot more racially included in the country, steadily stretching also to endorsement with relationship concerning white wines in addition to non-whites.
Once a week I would flow using the senior citizens in addition to coloration claws. I had been incredibly content to know that by making use of our Serbian buddy, i will one day produce each of our fantasy the reality. This is why examining the Treasure Possess received to the assignment with my day at Beautiful hawaii. The American indian subcontinent features a prolonged good reputation for inter-ethnic matrimony dating back early The indian subcontinent. Inside of a front difficult task to the Americanization mobility, Kallen suggested that it endorsed not just a melding of several countries though the predominance of merely one.
Not merely does My spouse and i study National dances, having said that i as well coached these people conventional dances regarding Kosovo. Nativists planned to drastically limit access to the burning pan. This specific assimilation is very obvious, even just in Spanish society today: as an example, banda, a layout connected with tunes originating in northern Central america, just Spanish handle Core Western music through immigration from the s.
He got a team work in the New Republic plus printed right now there around his combination of articles or blog posts applauding this Gary the gadget guy Plan. America is usually a shedding pan since various different ethnicities will be represented right here. Italian inhabitants within Argentina showed up mostly on the north French zones differing amongst Piedmont, Veneto and also Lombardy, eventually coming from Campania plus Calabria;  A lot of Argentines possess the gentilic of any French town, location, street or even occupation of the immigrant because surname, quite a few are not necessarily created Italians, however if people would a functions involving migrants via France the identity normally modified.
Along with the principal colony around Chubut, a smaller colony was placed in Without having Further ed and yet another class satisfied on Coronel Suarez, southeast Buenos Aires Province. Nowadays throughout Afghanistan, the introduction of any cultural melting cooking pot is going on, wherever distinct Afghanistan ethnic organizations are usually pairing alongside one another to create a whole new Afghan ethnic culture constructed from preceding societies with Afghanistan currently, eventually swapping the existing Pashtun personality which in turn stood for Afghan.
With this idea we are extra dedicated towards Country that any of us are in, as with The united states people today take into consideration independently Usa most importantly. The controversy in excess of immigration law faded out soon after immigration constraints had been established while using enactment of your Johnson-Reed React with The expression Afghan seemed to be formerly used to consult the Pashtuns in the Middle Age groups, as well as the intent powering the roll-out of a Afghan point out ended up being formerly becoming a Pashtun condition, nonetheless later this insurance policy altered, leading to your inclusion associated with non-Pashtuns within the point out since Afghans.
We may generate some sort of made to order sample composition in Multiculturalism as opposed to. Previous to we could target the rewards as well as shortcomings of any multicultural modern society, we should instead realize these types of different types of opinions. Cet article est paru dans le No de la Revue Socialiste, en mars Il est disponible ici en version html ou encore ici en version PDF pp.
Dernier ouvrage paru : Regards sur la France Seuil, Si ces chiffres sont exacts, cela pose la question de la fin et des moyens. Dans plusieurs villes, les combats entre milices perdurent et se multiplient. Ce fut le cas des ottomans et des italiens. Cet argent peut permettre de reconstruire les infrastructures et de repartir du bon pied. The Guardian, 2 mars Aura-t-il sa revanche?
Probablement pas. They are burdened with very weighty pasts. Full text and French version below. But they also warn that in joining the fray, these elderly and divisive figures could further fragment and undermine the Syrian opposition. But their decision to speak out could mark a turning point, coming as the Arab League votes to suspend Syria, King Abdullah of neighbouring Jordan calls on Assad to stand down and opposition forces step up armed attacks.
Khaddam was a long term ally of Hafez al-Assad, serving as his foreign minister, deputy prime minister and vice president, and was a leading figure in the ruling Baath Party, one of the pillars of the regime, until He is accused of overseeing the massacre of between 10, and 25, civilians in the town of Hama. As former regime apparatchiks, both men have little credibility with the larger opposition movements that are attempting to direct the revolution.
A la mi-novembre, la situation semble toujours aussi confuse et inextricable. A quoi attribuez-vous cela? Ils ne se limitent pas au Venezuela de Chavez. La population panique. Il est paru le 4 octobre :. Plus de 2. After a long blogging hiatus, I have decided to reopen this blog and use it to archive my articles, quotes and interviews. Does the Arab spring need a bill of rights? Urgently needed now is a bill of rights to guarantee freedom for all, regardless of creed or politics.
In less than a year, the Arab Spring swept through the Middle East with a speed both historic and breathtaking. Arab youths lost their fear and apathy and went out on the streets. Three dynasties or dictatorships have crumbled. Bashar al-Assad of Syria is at a precarious moment. After decades of secular rule by autocrats, millions of Arabs are eager to give Islam fuller expression in their lives and their governments. But that desire worries secularists, minorities, and more moderate Muslims, who constitute as much as 30 to 40 percent of the citizenry in some countries and seek concrete guarantees of rights in a coming year of Arab constitution-writing.
Now the new constitution of one of the most educated, secular Arab states will be shaped in a politically religious context. As the Arab Spring enters this new phase, something is urgently missing — an element needed to define the Arab Spring as more than a series of uprisings, says a growing chorus of expatriate Arab intellectuals. If this is not a fight for values, then it is not a revolution. It is just a series of uprisings. If it is a fight over values, you put it in writing. What is needed to consecrate the Arab Spring as a real revolution is a declaration of rights as witnessed in the French Revolution.
In a region chockablock with minorities, and with no autocrats to ensure stability, what such documents need are unequivocal guarantees of equality for all citizens, regardless of race or creed. Evidence of the need for minority protection in the Middle East is already coming thick and fast: This month — eight months after the Arab Spring — 27 Coptic Christians were killed when Egyptian tanks rolled into a crowd of protesters.
Yet there is little accountability in Cairo for the massacre of peaceful protesters, part of which was caught on YouTube. Basic questions are unanswered: Will women be allowed positions of leadership? Will full participation by non-Muslims in politics, public office, and courts be assured? In states like Syria, with a plethora of minority groups and intra-Muslim divides, if change comes, will all Islamic family members receive full rights? In post-Muammar Qaddafi Libya, interim leaders now say they have adopted sharia as the main source of law — a common formulation in Islamic governments, which is open to a wide range of interpretation.
As part of this, Libyan leader Mustafa Abdul Jalil said, marriage laws would be changed to allow polygamy. Bit by bit if the sharia is institutionalized, we will see an elite corps with a privileged standing making rules. As a historic event, the Arab Spring has been compared to and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Yet the overthrow of the Soviet Union was achieved through years of disciplined dissident opposition and the eventual rotting of the Soviet economy.
The Arab revolts, by contrast, have seemed in some ways too easy. So this … makes me maybe not skeptical but makes me ask, What are the foundations of this? So far the issue is raised mostly by expatriate Arab intellectuals, opposition groups, Egyptian writers and circles around presidential candidate Mohammed ElBaradei, and other artists and academics who want modern constitutional guarantees without making them sound like ideas imposed by the West.
This summer brought a tussle between two Syrian opposition groups over basic issues: The National Council for Coordination of Democratic Change in Damascus insisted on a declaration of rights that included separation of religion and state and other basic rights to be agreed on before the regime topples.
They dismissed the separation idea and bill of rights as matters to be worked out later. The push for a modern bill of rights is complicated by years of autocrats suppressing the state mechanisms necessary to enforce such rights — courts, schools, police, and so on. But a more significant issue may be an underlying struggle between secularists and Gulf nations already funding the Islamic faithful. Al Nahda had by some counts more than local groups, many of which reportedly received Gulf funding.
With Europe in debt crisis, that assistance is seen as more likely to come from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Cooperation Council, a local economic bloc. Worried about budding protests of its own earlier this year, Saudi Arabia distributed tens of billions of dollars in aid to its youth, and calm has prevailed. But Gulf funds to support Islamist groups in other parts of the Middle East come with a tacit understanding not only of the authority of Mecca and Medina in matters of Islam — the Saudi cities are considered the two holiest in the world — but also an intent to spread its more orthodox Wahhabi version of the faith.
After the Oct. The army that Kadhafi inherited from King Idriss, when he overthrew the monarchy in a bloodless coup in , was not insignificant — Libya had been involved in a border conflict with Sudan and Chad from The materiel is stored in a still uncounted number of bases around the country, most of them dating from the early years. One of those bases is in Hun, in the Jufra oasis, about kilometres miles southeast of Tripoli. None of them take off any more. Their fuselages are crumbling, jet engines and propellers rusted, cockpit windows almost opaque from the effects of ultraviolet light.
Nearby is a stockpile of Russian armoured vehicles, around of them, which was attacked by NATO warplanes. Again, the ageing T55 tanks and BMP-1 troop carriers are mostly rusted, apparently not having moved in years. After the euphoria of the s, money began to grow tight. Then Libya was hit with a first set of international sanctions in over its interference in neighbouring countries. A second set of of sanctions was imposed after Libya was blamed for the downing of a Pan Am jumbo jet over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, killing people on the plane, mainly Americans, and 11 on the ground.
In late , Kadhafi renounced all attempts to develop a non-conventional arsenal, paving the way for a lifting of sanctions. Despite that, the regime bought little new materiel — some Russian T tanks, and some Russian and French missiles. Kadhafi had hundreds of thousands of tonnes of munitions, some of it obsolete but still dangerous, which should have been more than sufficient to fend off the initially amateurish and under-equipped rebels.
Elnari worked in a communications centre hidden in a massive nuclear bunker that was attacked by NATO. Version espagnole parue sur Univison. Pese al levantamiento de las sanciones, a finales de , los nuevos equipamientos militares son escasos: algunos tanques T rusos, misiles rusos y franceses…. Suficiente para contrarrestar el amateurismo de unos rebeldes infraequipados. Le Point. La Ligue arabe a-t-elle perdu la face? Le pays peut-il finir par imploser?
Ces menaces laissent Bachar el-Assad de marbre. From Madrid to Athens, young people facing a bleak future are casting doubt on European identity. Occupy Europe? The most significant current youth movement in Europe started with a tweet on Justin Bieber, the boyish Canadian crooner. Spain, like Greece and Italy, faces huge public deficits. The government has been cutting outlays for basic services like schools, health care, and social welfare. While college attendance in Spain is a success story, youth unemployment has risen to a horrific 44 percent. So on Puerta del Sol square, the kids were hashing it out.
They wanted to bed down on the square, but the police had other ideas. About 4 a. A month before, students had slept there to buy tickets to a Bieber concert. The tweet distilled perfectly frustrations among youth that Europe, Spain, their politicians, the banks, the system, their lives — all are in trouble and need to change. The Zapatero government, like governments across Europe, hews to a neoliberal model that stresses cutting deficits and using taxes to shore up banks.
But it has said little about how to spur growth. Austerity is seen as the predominant answer to spiraling debt costs. But this offers no solace to an educated but unemployed generation that says it wants both work and meaning in life. Yet some Rubicon was crossed on May A Twitter call brought hundreds of youth to the square. The next day more than 1, came. By the end of the week 30, people, most of them young, had organized a system of tent camps, started seminars and teach-ins, and begun building a social networking site.
Their moniker became indignados, or the outraged. Today, their idea has spread across southern Europe to Rome and Athens and the far corners of Spanish cyberspace, where the group has 70, participants. They are part of an increasingly global movement of young people that, while not directly connected, share some of the same frustrations over the inability of economies to create jobs, and the indifference of politicians or their impotence to do anything about it.
The youth of Puerta del Sol have taken some of their inspiration from the youth of the Arab Spring. Yet each of these revolts is also rooted in its own grievances, with consequences that will be similarly singular. The most common word they used to describe their lives: complicated. Yes, they want jobs. Of course. Guillermo Ubieto, age 27, graduated with an advanced degree in international relations.
Ubieto says. They told us study, push yourselves, you can have a good future. Now we are saying something. Yet the Puerta del Sol protest was about a lot more than jobs. Something more fundamental was at work. It was time to stop accepting the verdict of a diminished life. But the issues being raised seem bigger than any solutions. As the indignados see it, their extremity has forced questions about what it means to be human; what values and truths to accept; how people should be treated; how democracy should work; the role of free markets, money, the social contract, community.
And whether the indignados can survive they still fill the square on Sunday evenings is unclear. But their pluck brought public sympathy in Spain and Greece, and they are seen as a bellwether among analysts: Europe and its nations have a debt crisis that is testing its unity and economics. But the youth protests point to an equally important crisis — of meaning, and of what kind of spirit the age will usher in.
But after Tunisia and Egypt, I could see what the Spanish kids were doing.